By Mohamed Ahmed Awil

Somaliland has historically struggled to establish reliable relationships with international development partners in its quest for international recognition.

‎Previous administrations prioritized partners who endorsed Somaliland’s aspiration for sovereign statehood, often at the expense of tangible economic or developmental gains for its citizens.

‎This approach has limited Somaliland’s official ties to a handful of countries—Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the United States, and Taiwan.

‎Unfortunately, most of these relationships are heavily one-sided, skewed in favor of the external partner, and lacking in mutual benefit or alignment with international legal frameworks.

‎A prime example is Somaliland’s engagement with the UAE, which is primarily confined to managing the Port of Berbera. This arrangement denies Somaliland a significant share of revenue from one of its most strategic national assets.

‎With recent leadership transitions, Somaliland must recalibrate its foreign policy strategy.

‎Greater emphasis should be placed on attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and international aid, rather than fixating on diplomatic recognition, particularly since the global consensus still supports Somalia’s territorial unity and federal structure.

‎Nonetheless, recognition can still be pursued—strategically—by crafting a foreign policy that garners acceptance and cooperation from members of the international community.

‎Such a policy must address the concerns of sovereign states wary of legitimizing secessionist or “de facto” entities, which they often see as threats to international borders and regional security.

‎Why China?

‎Engaging China would bring significant economic and diplomatic benefits to Somaliland.

‎Records indicate that China had previously expressed interest in cooperating with Somaliland—offering to fund road infrastructure, develop an airport, and open a liaison office to enhance bilateral ties. These offers were never realized.

‎Instead, Somaliland chose to partner with Taiwan, with both parties recognizing each other publicly. This move, observers argue, went against the expectations of a region increasingly aligned with Afro-Chinese cooperation.

‎Somaliland’s decision was likely influenced by the hope of gaining international recognition, access to Western donors, and limited development aid—such as scholarships and infrastructure funding—from Taiwan.

‎However, the potential benefits from partnering with China, the world’s second-largest economy, far outweigh those offered by Taiwan.

‎China offers an alternative to the legacy of Western dependence. It is also a critical player in the global minerals market—an area in which Africa, and potentially Somaliland, has a comparative advantage.

‎Engaging Beijing could offer Somaliland both economic leverage and diplomatic visibility, without closing the door to relations with the West.

‎Africa is already central to China’s global strategic ambitions. With a growing population and underserved markets, the continent is fertile ground for trade, infrastructure, and industrial partnerships.

‎China is Africa’s top trading partner, and its firms are rising rapidly in sectors such as manufacturing and construction—often outpacing their Western counterparts, who typically focus on resource extraction and finance.

‎At the 2024 Beijing Summit, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged $51 billion in loans, investments, and aid to Africa over three years.

‎Somaliland could benefit from this pledge, if it reconsidered its diplomatic posture and embraced strategic pragmatism over symbolic partnerships.

‎Importantly, building ties with China does not preclude engagement with other international actors. Somaliland must leverage its strategic location and potential to draw value from both Chinese and alternative partnerships.

‎The future of Somaliland’s diplomacy will depend on its ability to demonstrate strategic, material, and political relevance to emerging and established global powers.

‎Mohamed Ahmed Awil is the former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Federal Republic of Somalia to the People’s Republic of China. X (@m_amb)