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Somaliland and Taiwan sign a maritime patrol cooperation agreement

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in order to strengthen international maritime security cooperation, the Coast Guard Administration held a signing ceremony for the “Taiwan-Somalia Coast Guard Cooperation Agreement” today. Maritime Affairs Council Chairperson Guan Bi-ling said that the cooperation agreement covers key points such as training exchanges and maritime rescue, symbolizing the establishment of a closer democratic partnership between Taiwan and Somalia.

The Coast Guard Administration of the Maritime Affairs Council held a press conference in the afternoon to sign the “Coast Guard Cooperation Agreement between the Government of the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the Government of the Republic of Somaliland”. Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdirahman Dahir Adam Bakal, Guan Bi-ling, and Deputy Foreign Minister Wu Zhizhong all attended the event.

During the meeting, the agreement was jointly signed by Coast Guard Administration Director-General Chang Chung-lung and Somaliland Coast Guard Commander Admiral Ahmed Hurre Hariye. The Coast Guard Administration said that this would strengthen maritime security cooperation with democratic countries and witness the solid results of Taiwan’s promotion of maritime diplomacy.

Guan Bi-ling said that the cooperation agreement covers key projects such as personnel exchanges, training exchanges, and maritime rescue, symbolizing that Taiwan and Somaliland have established a closer democratic partnership in maritime governance, humanitarian care, and regional security.

She mentioned that even though they are restricted by international realities, the two like-minded democratic partners can still expand their global influence through mutual trust and action. She hopes that Taiwan and Somaliland can continue to deepen exchanges in the future and work together for regional peace, stability and security.

The Coast Guard Administration explained that the signing process was specially displayed at the press conference to demonstrate the Coast Guard Administration’s openness, transparency and pragmatism in promoting international cooperation. It not only deepens the friendship between the two countries, but also demonstrates the firm belief of “protecting national security, maintaining public order, and ensuring peace.”

Facing increasingly complex maritime challenges, the Coast Guard Administration said that only by working together with democratic partners with similar ideas can we jointly maintain maritime order, protect the well-being of the people, and bring true peace and hope to the region.

Somaliland Central Bank Partners with Tether, Sorted Wallet, and GEAMT to Drive Financial Innovation

By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa, Somaliland – The Central Bank of Somaliland (CBS) has taken a major stride towards modernizing its financial system by forging strategic partnerships with global leaders Tether, Sorted Wallet, and Global Exchange and Money Transfer (GEAMT). Landmark meetings held in Hargeisa centered on deploying cutting-edge digital solutions to accelerate the nation’s National Financial Inclusion Framework (2023-2028), broadening financial access for all communities.

Key Initiatives Discussed:

  1. Sorted Wallet’s Inclusive Technology:  A highlight was Sorted Wallet’s “non-custodial crypto wallet solution,” specifically designed for basic feature phones and low-spec smartphones. This technology promises to integrate millions of currently unbanked Somalilanders, particularly in underserved rural regions, into the formal financial ecosystem.
  2. Tether’s Stablecoin for Trade & Remittances: Discussions explored the transformative potential of Tether’s USD₮ (USDT) stablecoin – pegged 1:1 to the US dollar for stability. USDT could significantly streamline cross-border trade with key partners (China, India, UAE, Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia) and simplify vital diaspora remittances originating from the US, UK, and Europe.
  3. GEAMT’s Role: GEAMT, also Western Union’s Somaliland representative, brings expertise in global exchange and remittances, supporting the overall goal of enhanced economic connectivity.

Leadership & Commitment:

The CBS delegation, led by Chairman Abdinasir Hirsi, Deputy Chairman Hamse Khaire, and Director General Yasin Alas, emphasized Somaliland’s dedication to fostering responsible innovation. Chairman Hirsi stated, “Sorted Wallet’s solution could be a game-changer for financial inclusion, aligning perfectly with our vision for equitable economic growth.”

The international partners were represented by:
* Abdikariim Abdi Adam (CEO, GEAMT)
* Stephen Browne (Co-founder, Sorted Wallet)
* Arnoud Marie Dyve De Bavay (Head of Africa Strategy, Tether)

The Central Bank unequivocally reiterated its commitment to Financial stability, consumer protection, and strict adherence to Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Countering the Financing of Terrorism (CFT) regulations. Both sides expressed strong optimism, agreeing to advance negotiations towards a formal partnership agreement.

Building on a Strong Foundation:

These partnerships signal Somaliland’s rising prominence as a Horn of Africa hub for financial innovation. They build upon the nation’s advanced mobile money infrastructure, where services like WAAFI and Zaad have already driven near-cashless economies in urban centers.

The Central Bank extended sincere gratitude to the delegation for their visit and the highly productive discussions, paving the way for a transformative collaboration shaping Somaliland’s financial future.

Somaliland: DP World and Central Bank Hold Strategic Meeting to Drive Economic Growth

By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa, Somaliland – Leadership from Somaliland Bank and global logistics leader DP World convened a high-level strategic meeting today at the bank’s headquarters to advance Somaliland’s economic development.

The Somaliland Bank delegation was led by Chairman Mr. Abdinasir Ahmed Hirsi, alongside Deputy Chairman Mr. Hamse Abdirahman Khayre and Director General Mr. Yasin Jama Ahmed. DP World was represented by Mr. Supachai Wattanaveerachai, CEO for the Horn of Africa, Middle East, and Africa Region, Mr. Ali Diriye, General Manager of the Somaliland Ports Authority, and other senior executives.

Building on previous engagements, discussions centered on strengthening critical infrastructure, particularly within Somaliland’s financial and insurance markets. This partnership aims to enhance the national economy and solidify Somaliland’s position as a regional trade hub.

The collaboration leverages DP World’s existing $400 million investment in Berbera Port, which has significantly boosted trade connectivity with landlocked Ethiopia and broader African markets. Joint efforts with Somaliland Bank will focus on integrating financial systems, expanding access to banking services, and fostering economic resilience.

“This partnership marks a milestone for Somaliland’s economic future,” stated Mr. Abdinasir Ahmed Hirsi. “Working with DP World, we are committed to bolstering our financial markets and unlocking new opportunities for growth.”

Mr. Supachai Wattanaveerachai reaffirmed DP World’s commitment: “Our goal is to transform Berbera into a world-class trade hub. Collaborations with key institutions like Somaliland Bank are essential for driving sustainable progress across the Horn of Africa region.”

The meeting underscores Somaliland’s growing prominence in regional trade and its ongoing efforts to integrate into global financial systems.

Somaliland FM and Taiwan President Meet to Advance Nation’s Development

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Somaliland’s Foreign Minister, Hon. Abdirahman Daahir Adan Bakaal, and his delegation met with Taiwan’s President, H.E. Lai Ching-te, at the Presidential Palace during an official visit to strengthen bilateral ties.

President Lai warmly welcomed the delegation, and both sides discussed deepening cooperation in trade, healthcare, agriculture, and infrastructure to boost Somaliland’s development.

The talks highlighted the strong friendship between the two nations, with commitments to expand joint projects, including Taiwan’s ongoing support for Somaliland’s medical and infrastructure sectors.

The visit reinforces the growing partnership established through mutual representative offices in 2020.

Somaliland Launches Youth Technology Enhancement Programme for Secondary Schools

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By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa, Somaliland – The Ministries of Communication & Technology and Education of the Republic of Somaliland have officially launched the Youth Technology Enhancement Programme. This initiative aims to empower secondary school students with modern technological skills, recognizing technology as a fundamental pillar for economic development and youth employment.

The programme addresses the growing demand for contemporary technical expertise. Through inter-ministerial collaboration, the pilot phase will benefit the first cohort of 100 students. Participants will receive practical training in essential technology skills designed for direct workforce application.

The long-term vision is to equip Somaliland’s youth with globally competitive, modern capabilities, enabling them to compete effectively in both domestic and international job markets.

The implementation of the Youth Technology Enhancement Programme for Somaliland’s secondary schools is spearheaded by the Ministry of Communication & Technology (MoCT) and the Ministry of Education & Science (MoES) of the Republic of Somaliland, and executed by the Somaliland Innovation Hub.

Somaliland: President Cirro Receives High-Level Arab-African Economic Council Delegation

By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa – The President of the Republic of Somaliland, H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Cirro), received a high-level delegation from the Supreme Council for Arab-African Economic Cooperation (SCAAEC) at the Presidential Palace on an official visit.

Led by SCAAEC President Dr. Haani Hassan Abu Zayid, the nine-member delegation represents an organization comprising international financial experts, major entrepreneurs, and prominent investors from various nations. Founded in France and registered with the United Nations (UN), the SCAAEC is headquartered in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Discussions focused on matters of mutual importance, including investment opportunities in Somaliland, trade expansion, economic development, and regional cooperation.

Prior to the presidential meeting, Somaliland’s Minister of Investment and Industry, Hon. Said Mohamed Buraale, welcomed the delegation to the country and held preliminary discussions. Minister Buraale outlined the visit’s key objectives:

1.Exploring Opportunities: Assessing investment and commercial prospects within Somaliland.
2. Resource Engagement: Holding meetings with relevant Somaliland government institutions overseeing the nation’s key natural resources, particularly minerals, livestock, fisheries, and agriculture.
3. Establishing Presence: The SCAAEC plans to open a branch office in Somaliland.

President Cirro thanked the delegation for their visit and briefed them on Somaliland’s strategic position, prevailing security and stability, established statehood, and functioning democratic system. He invited the delegation to identify specific areas for cooperation, emphasizing natural resources, economic infrastructure, energy, and commerce.

The delegation commended Somaliland’s developmental progress and expressed readiness to strengthen cooperation in investment, trade, and development, highlighting a shared commitment to jointly leverage Somaliland’s growth opportunities.

The meeting concluded with mutual understanding and an agreement for the SCAAEC to conduct follow-up visits and engage further with relevant Somaliland government institutions in their areas of interest.

Hargeisa International Book Fair : the voice of Somali literature

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From July 26 to 31, 2025, Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, will host the 18th edition of the Hargeisa International Book Fair (HIBF), the largest book fair in the Horn of Africa. Under the theme “Africa,” the event brings together authors, poets, artists, and over 10,000 visitors to promote reading, writing, and Somali culture.

Hargeisa will resonate with pages and words during the 18th edition of the Hargeisa International Book Fair (HIBF), the largest literary event in the Horn of Africa. This year, Zambia will be the guest of honor, and the central theme, simply titled “Africa,” highlights the richness and diversity of both contemporary and historical African literature.

A hundred cultural figures gathered

Over six days, the fair will bring together authors, poets, publishers, artists, journalists, and cultural activists from Somaliland, neighboring Somalia, and across the continent. With over 10,000 visitors expected, the discussions will cover a wide range of topics: oral storytelling, Somali poetry, the fight for access to reading, children’s rights, and women’s participation in literary creation.

Workshops, debates, and performances

The program includes public readings, panel discussions on freedom of expression, poetry and writing workshops, artistic performances, and illustrator exhibitions. A special section for children promotes youth literature, while the fair facilitates interaction between African authors and both local and international readers.

Cultural impact and role

Founded in 2008, the HIBF has become a cornerstone of cultural dialogue and literacy promotion in East Africa. It plays a vital role in building a strong cultural identity for Somaliland, despite its lack of international recognition. The fair fosters freedom of expression, civic empowerment, and education, while also contributing to the local economy through the influx of national and foreign visitors.

Outlook and challenges

The 2025 edition aims to strengthen literary exchange between Southern and Eastern Africa, promote book publishing in African languages, and encourage greater female representation in the publishing industry. By placing literature at the heart of the event, the HIBF establishes itself as a cultural showcase for an ambitious Somaliland—future-focused and open to the world.

Official Book Launch of the The Scales of Justice & The Importance of Law by Hersi Ali Haji Hassan

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By Jama Ayaanle Feyte

‎Hargeisa – A well attended ceremony was held on Friday night for the launching of the long waited book the *Miisaanka Caaddaaladda & Muhiimadda Sharciga* (The Scales of Justice & The Importance of Law) by Mr. Hersi Ali Haji chairman of the ruling Waddani Party

‎The book launch marked a pivotal event , marking the official release of the new book into the hands of eager readers and which brought together academicians , politicians, traditional leaders and Members of the general public.

‎Mr. Hersi Ali Haji chairman of the ruling Waddani Party the author of the new book in his officials statement during the launching of the new book said,”Over the past three months in Hargeisa, I have dedicated myself to finalizing my new book, *Miisaanka Caaddaaladda & Muhiimadda Sharciga* (The Scales of Justice & The Importance of Law). This work encompasses diverse efforts—writing, research, review, analysis, and presentation—all driven by personal commitment, intellectual curiosity, and a desire to share knowledge. I view this as both a creative undertaking and a responsibility entrusted to me by my people and nation, one made possible by Allah’s grace.

‎This book stands as a monumental beacon, designed to illuminate an intellectual foundation essential for advancing judicial integrity and social justice within our society.

‎I extend my deepest gratitude to everyone who supported me in bringing this book to fruition in its most comprehensive and substantive form. I especially thank those who inspired my vision, shared critical insights, assisted in research, invested time in review, and bore the weight of editing and analysis. I also cannot overlook the many families who graciously accommodated my preoccupation with this work, often at the expense of their own time with me.

‎My appreciation extends broadly to all segments of society—public citizens and officials alike—who honored us with their presence. I commend the dynamic youth whose diligent efforts ensured the success of this significant event. Likewise, I acknowledge Damal Hotel and its dedicated staff for their outstanding hospitality and partnership in hosting this gathering.

‎Finally, I urge readers to engage thoughtfully with this book—through reading, reflection, critique, and active participation in this collective endeavor. May this work inspire continuous contribution from all, becoming a lasting legacy for our nation.

‎Finally , the event concluded with singing the book by Mr. Hersi Ali Haji Hassan.

‎Sanaag Regional Leaders Back President’s Peace Initiative: A Step Towards Strengthening National Unity and Cohesion

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By Jama Ayaanle Feyte

‎Hargeisa – The President of the Republic of Somaliland, H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Cirro), has extended a peace initiative aimed at strengthening peaceful coexistence and brotherhood among communities in the Sanaag region. This step, rooted in national responsibility to safeguard peace, unity, and overall stability, will be implemented in the regional capital, Ceerigaabo.

‎President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Cirro) has taken a bold political stance grounded in statesmanship, demonstrating visionary leadership, political maturity, and a profound sense of responsibility following the announcement of the peace initiative. The Warsangeli community, one of the oldest and most influential clans in Sanaag, has warmly welcomed this appeal, marking a significant shift toward consolidating peace and coexistence in Sanaag and Somaliland at large.

Endorsement of the Peace Initiative by Sanaag Leaders:

‎The clear endorsement by Sanaag’s traditional leaders and elders underscores the success of the diplomatic step taken by Somaliland’s President. Leaders convening in the city of Badhan have robustly demonstrated their readiness to support the President’s peace framework, which is founded on mutual understanding, trust-building, and direct dialogue free from partisan interests and focused on the broader interests of the region and nation.

‎This decision signifies that the path to peace charted by the President is one marked by responsibility, political tolerance, and far-sighted patriotism. These leaders will pave the way for a new chapter based on unity, social cohesion, and lasting political stability.

Community Engagement and the Peace Initiative:

‎This peace initiative offers all brotherly communities residing in Sanaag an opportunity to engage directly, discussing existing disagreements and conflicts through traditional conflict resolution mechanisms based on justice and fair arbitration. The Council of Traditional Elders, religious scholars, business leaders, women, and youth of the region have all been invited to participate in the peace efforts, demonstrating that peace is the top priority of the government’s policy and action, and also a collective task requiring community participation and responsibility.

‎The Pillars of Peace and Development:

‎The four key pillars outlined in President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Cirro’s statement emphasize:

‎1. Safeguarding Peace and Unity: All segments of Sanaag society must prioritize maintaining overall security and community solidarity.
‎2. Dialogue and Reconciliation: Any conflict must be resolved through dialogue, avoiding violence and division.
‎3. Fair Arbitration: Past disputes and conflicts must be concluded with justice and mutual forgiveness to achieve lasting solutions.
‎4. Government Support: The Somaliland government has demonstrated its unwavering support for the peace process and is committed to allocating all necessary resources to foster lasting peace in the region.

An Opportunity for Reconciliation and Unity:

‎This peace initiative is a golden opportunity for reconciliation and mutual forgiveness among the people of Sanaag. It strengthens confidence in national unity and prevents conflicts from undermining the region’s security and development. Communities now have the chance to rebuild mutual trust.

‎**The Role of Society and Government:**

‎For this peace initiative to bear fruit, the following is essential: Genuine community participation from religious leaders, elders, youth, and women; Consistent support from the central government and security institutions; Effective monitoring and evaluation to ensure agreed solutions are genuinely implemented; Expansion of developmental opportunities in the region, particularly basic services like education, healthcare, and economic infrastructure, ensuring peace benefits both individuals and the community.

Conclusion:

‎President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Cirro has directed this peace initiative towards Sanaag to demonstrate that peace and coexistence are the cornerstones of Somaliland’s development. If all stakeholders seize this opportunity, Sanaag can become a commendable model of unity, reconciliation, and stability for the entire Republic. This peace initiative is not merely a conflict resolution tool, but the foundation for rebuilding peace and prosperity. Peace and unity are the only paths to achieving our national aspirations.

‎Ethiopia’s Strategic Triple Play: How assertive diplomacy on GERD, Somaliland MoU, BRICS membership reshapes Horn of Africa power dynamics

Addis Abeba – The Horn of Africa, long shaped by strategic interests and colonial legacies, is once again emerging as a center of intense diplomatic engagement. With this development, Ethiopia has increasingly positioned itself as a proactive regional actor, adopting a multipolar diplomatic strategy to overcome the limitations of its landlocked geography. In contrast, Egypt has pursued a more defensive foreign policy, particularly in relation to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance (GERD) and what it perceives as threats to its Red Sea security doctrine. Somalia occupies a strategically ambiguous space, balancing the influence of these two regional powers while contending with ongoing internal instability. Meanwhile, Somaliland has attracted unexpected diplomatic attention, skillfully leveraging its coastal geography to establish new international partnerships.

‎This commentary examines three key pillars of Ethiopia’s increasingly assertive foreign policy: the management of the GERD, the strategic push for maritime access through a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland, and the country’s calibrated response to shifting global power dynamics, exemplified by its accession to BRICS. By analyzing the reactions of regional actors, the article explores how the Horn of Africa is being reshaped—not solely by conflict, but by competing visions of sovereignty, regional alignment, and political agency.

‎Pillar One: GERD as a geopolitical declaration
‎Ethiopia has firmly established its position on the GERD, grounded in a strong doctrine of sovereignty and legal autonomy. Rejecting any arrangement that would impose legally binding conditions on the filling or operation of the dam—particularly regarding the filling—Addis Abeba has adopted a stance of legal minimalism. Rather than entering into new treaties that could constrain its sovereign rights, Ethiopia refers to the 2015 Declaration of Principles (DoP) as a sufficient framework for cooperation, emphasizing that the agreement does not require further legal ratification.

‎While critics often portray this position as obstinate or obstructionist, it is more accurately described as a calculated assertion of post-colonial water rights. Notably, Ethiopia’s approach is not based on military escalation, nor does it expend excessive diplomatic capital. Instead, it reaffirms the normative principle that upstream riparian states possess equal and inherent rights to utilize transboundary water resources for national development.


‎In this context, the GERD has evolved into more than a hydroelectric project; it has become a geopolitical statement. It symbolically rejects the legacy of colonial-era water-sharing arrangements—particularly the 1929 and 1959 Nile Waters Agreements, which heavily favored Egypt. As such, the GERD stands as a symbol of African self-determination, transforming Ethiopia’s pursuit of equitable access to natural resources into a broader pan-African narrative of liberation and resistance to externally imposed legal constraints.

‎The successful articulation of this narrative significantly enhances Ethiopia’s strategic autonomy, both globally and regionally. Consequently, the GERD stands as the foundational pillar of Ethiopia’s burgeoning geopolitical doctrine: a reordering of Nile Basin geopolitics premised on national independence, a reinterpretation of existing legal frameworks, and a rebalancing of regional power dynamics.

‎Pillar Two: MoU with Somaliland
‎Ethiopia’s most geopolitically ambitious undertaking in recent memory occurred in January 2024, with the signing of a MoU with Somaliland, a de facto but not a de jure republic. As stated in the official readout, the MoU is intended to “pave the way to realize the aspiration of Ethiopia to secure access to the sea and diversify its access to seaports.” This marks a significant departure from Ethiopia’s traditionally cautious foreign policy ethos and reflects a broader shift towards a more assertive, interest-driven approach to international relations.

‎At the core of the MoU lies Ethiopia’s most pressing strategic concern: sovereign access to the sea. Since Eritrea’s secession in 1993, rendering Ethiopia landlocked, the nation has predominantly relied on foreign ports—primarily Djibouti—for virtually all its maritime trade. While previous Ethiopian administrations pursued this objective through discreet diplomacy and commercial agreements, the current government has adopted a more assertive strategy, aiming to fundamentally reshape regional geopolitics. The MoU with Somaliland, therefore, represents a decisive move towards achieving both maritime and military freedom.

‎The GERD has evolved into more than a hydroelectric project; it has become a geopolitical statement.”

‎The international response was swift and varied. The Arab League issued a critique, subtly targeting Ethiopia’s ambitions by citing the potential for militarization of the Red Sea by non-littoral states as a significant threat. Egypt, already embroiled in a contentious dispute with Ethiopia over the GERD, also criticized the MoU, asserting that the agreement constitutes an egregious interference in the Red Sea’s precarious balance. These reactions underscore the destabilizing implications of Ethiopia’s new foreign policy trajectory. Addis Abeba’s actions clearly indicate that the status quo is no longer acceptable; indeed, Ethiopia is actively participating in defining a new one.

‎It’s noteworthy that the MoU also signals a broader shift in African diplomatic trends, moving from normative principles towards realpolitik. By signing an MoU with Somaliland, despite Somalia’s continued assertion of sovereignty over the territory and the African Union’s adherence to colonial-era boundaries, Ethiopia has prioritized its strategic interests over multilateral consensus. This step signifies a measured diplomatic maturity, dictated by pragmatic reasoning rather than ideological agreement. It also foreshadows a renewed willingness to act unilaterally, particularly concerning crucial national interests such as maritime access.

‎This development carries significant strategic implications. A potential Ethiopian presence in Berbera would position the nation in close proximity to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, a critical maritime choke point connecting the Indian Ocean to the Suez Canal. Such a presence would not only enhance Ethiopia’s strategic reach but also further entrench it within the geopolitics of the Indian Ocean-Red Sea corridor—an increasingly contested space involving global powers like China, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Russia, and the United States. In this context, gaining port access isn’t merely an end in itself; it’s an effort by Ethiopia to become an indispensable component in the strategic calculations of key global and regional actors.

‎The implications of the MoU extend beyond logistical and military considerations. It signals a fundamental shift in Ethiopia’s foreign policy—from a survivalist, dependency-driven posture to one rooted in strategic independence and assertive regionalism. The willingness to engage with a de facto state, even at the expense of established diplomatic norms, reflects a broader departure from ideology-centered diplomacy toward a realpolitik, interest-based approach. In doing so, Ethiopia has made it clear that it is no longer confined by the constraints of passive diplomacy. Instead, it is prepared to take calculated risks in pursuit of its long-term national interests.

‎Furthermore, the MoU has come to symbolize a serious recalibration of Ethiopia’s strategic outlook. It challenges conventional understandings of sovereignty, redefines the security architecture of the Horn of Africa, and positions Ethiopia as a rising geopolitical actor in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean regions. This emerging foreign policy direction is likely to be characterized by a renewed and necessary focus on national interest, regional influence, and maritime ambition. Crucially, this development suggests that Ethiopia is not only solidifying its position as a continental land power but is also laying the groundwork to become a maritime power—one capable of projecting its interests across the region in the 21st century.

‎Pillar Three: BRICS accession
‎Ethiopia has also repositioned itself as a skillful actor within the evolving multipolar world order, navigating a path between traditional Western alliances and the rising influence of the Global South. Amid growing international competition, Addis Abeba has adopted a delicate diplomatic balancing act—maintaining critical development assistance from Western partners while actively engaging with emerging power blocs such as BRICS.

‎This dual-track strategy was exemplified by Ethiopia’s accession to the BRICS—a significant geopolitical shift. However, Ethiopian officials were careful to frame this move not as a rejection of the West, but as an economic diversification effort. They emphasized that the decision aimed to expand opportunities for economic growth and development, rather than alienate long-standing partners, particularly the United States. This nuanced approach has enabled Ethiopia to sustain cooperation in vital areas such as food security, public health, and humanitarian aid—sectors where U.S. support remains highly significant. This diplomatic balancing act represents one of Ethiopia’s most understated yet remarkable achievements. Despite its increasing alignment with Global South powers, Ethiopia has continued to receive substantial U.S. aid.

‎Ethiopia’s ability to maintain strong ties with the West while deepening its cooperation with BRICS members—especially China, Russia, and India—demonstrates a sophisticated practice of diplomatic compartmentalization. Rather than provoking tensions with Western donors, Ethiopian diplomats have prioritized shared humanitarian and development goals, even as Addis Abeba actively courts non-Western partners under the BRICS framework.

‎This strategic maneuvering has yielded tangible benefits. By tapping into BRICS-backed development financing and other alternative diplomatic channels, Ethiopia has broadened its access to capital, reduced dependence on Western political conditions, and enhanced its international agency. Most importantly, this approach has enabled Ethiopia to avoid the vulnerabilities associated with over-reliance on a single geopolitical bloc, thereby strengthening its capacity to pursue an independent and diversified foreign policy.

‎The MoU [with Somaliland] signals a broader shift in African diplomatic trends, moving from normative principles towards realpolitik.”

‎Furthermore, a significant diplomatic realignment is underway in the greater Horn of Africa. The decline of Cold War militaristic affiliations has ushered in a new transactional era within the international system. In this emergent order, ideological adherence holds less sway than the tangible utility derived from engagement with diverse patrons. Both Somaliland and Ethiopia have, to a notable extent, capitalized on this fluid environment to enhance their geostrategic positions.

‎Despite its lack of formal recognition, Somaliland has developed meaningful partnerships—most notably with the United Arab Emirates—and, significantly, has entered into a historic port-access agreement with Ethiopia. These developments underscore a growing shift away from recognition as the sole measure of international legitimacy. In contexts where trade, security, and infrastructure are at stake, transactional interests are increasingly taking precedence.

‎In stark contrast, despite its strong relations with Western powers and Gulf allies, Egypt’s capacity to exert regional influence has been constrained by geographical limitations and the increasing assertiveness of other regional actors. Similarly, Somalia remains reliant on Western and Turkish support for its security, yet it lacks the strategic agility to diversify its international relationships to the extent that Ethiopia has achieved.

‎Finally, it is important to highlight that Ethiopia’s foreign policy illustrates how engagement with BRICS and continued cooperation with Western donors are not mutually exclusive. On the contrary, they serve as complementary instruments within a coherent foreign policy framework. This reflects a more nuanced form of strategic autonomy—one grounded in the practical imperatives of national development. As the global power structure continues to shift, Ethiopia’s approach may well serve as a model for other Global South nations seeking to navigate a multipolar world without compromising essential partnerships.

‎Regional Reactions: Defensive postures, strategic ambiguity
‎Ethiopia’s assertive diplomacy has triggered significant, though varied, reactions from key regional actors, primarily Egypt and Somalia. Egypt’s foreign policy in the Horn is predicated on two fundamental interests: preserving its historical water entitlements from the Nile and maintaining a preeminent strategic position in the Red Sea. Ethiopia’s actions have directly challenged both these interests. Cairo, in response, has pursued a policy of defensive activism, employing signaling, alliance building, and legalism in an effort to counter Ethiopia’s growing influence.

‎In response to the Ethiopia–Somaliland Memorandum of Understanding, Egypt issued a strong statement declaring that “no landlocked country would be allowed to build a naval base in the Red Sea.” However, Cairo currently lacks the logistical capacity to unilaterally enforce such a position. Its relationship with Somalia has largely been symbolic, serving more to reaffirm Egypt’s presence as a regional actor than to produce any concrete diplomatic or military front against Ethiopia.

‎Diplomacy in the Horn of Africa is now characterized by pragmatic alliances, astute strategic maneuvering, and calculated ambiguity.”

‎On the other hand, Somalia’s diplomatic response to the Ethiopia–Somaliland MoU has been characterized by minimalistic eloquence, reflecting what might be described as a posture of controlled ambiguity. The Somali government faces a dual challenge: on one hand, defending its sovereignty and jurisdiction over Somaliland as an internationally recognized entity; on the other, navigating the complex geopolitics shaped by its limited enforcement capacity and regional isolation.

‎Under President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the government in Mogadishu has vocally condemned the MoU as a violation of Somalia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. However, it has been careful not to frame the agreement as a casus belli, a conscious decision that speaks to considerations beyond mere expediency. Geographic proximity, the fact that Ethiopia and Somalia share major trade routes, and Ethiopia’s involvement in Somalia through the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) have all constrained Mogadishu’s capacity to escalate the dispute. Domestically, Somalia continues to grapple with fragmented governance, chronic insecurity, and weak institutions—factors that further inhibit the formulation of an assertive foreign policy.

‎This cautious ambiguity, while tactically risk-averse, has effectively placed Ethiopia in a strong diplomatic position. Addis Abeba has reframed its relationship with Somaliland, emphasizing that it does not constitute a breach of Somalia’s sovereignty but rather represents a negotiation process grounded in mutual benefit—particularly access to the sea and trade. Ethiopia’s appeals to regional integration, port security, and economic growth have quietly resonated with certain African and Gulf states, thereby undermining Somalia’s efforts to rally a consensus against the agreement.

‎Although Egypt and the Arab League have traditionally expressed symbolic solidarity with Mogadishu, their support has largely remained declarative rather than substantive. Meanwhile, Ethiopia has advanced a proactive foreign policy rooted in non-alignment and South-South cooperation, aligning closely with BRICS member states and cultivating new partnerships. This approach has weakened Egypt’s ability to mobilize a unified Arab-African coalition in defense of Somalia, leaving Mogadishu increasingly isolated.

‎Somalia has refrained from internationalizing the dispute or escalating it to a level of substantial deterrence, leaving it vulnerable to Ethiopia’s more nuanced and multifaceted diplomacy. While Somalia maintains a morally and legally superior position, Ethiopia has skillfully inverted the narrative, redefining the dispute not as aggression but as a matter of infrastructure development, energy, and regional maritime connectivity. In this context, Somalia’s silence cannot be interpreted as strategic; rather, it reflects institutional paralysis. Such an ineffective response risks conferring de facto legitimacy on Ethiopia’s actions and jeopardizing Somalia’s prospects in future negotiations.

‎Consequently, Somalia’s inability to mount a coherent counter-diplomacy risks rendering its sovereignty claims purely rhetorical, as Addis Ababa continues to expand its influence and normalize relations with non-traditional partners like Somaliland.

‎Redrawing geopolitical equation
‎The evolving diplomatic landscape in the Horn of Africa has given rise to a new regional equation, marked by several defining dynamics. Foremost among these is the shift from multilateralism to bilateralism. Regional bodies such as the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) have largely proven ineffective in addressing emerging disputes. This institutional weakness has created space for bilateral engagements, enabling states to advance their strategic interests outside traditional frameworks.

‎A second notable trend is the ascendancy of strategic action over legal discourse. A clear divergence has emerged between the approaches of countries like Egypt and Somalia—that rely heavily on legal frameworks to assert sovereignty—and those of Ethiopia and Somaliland, countries that prioritize direct, outcome-driven strategies. This development reflects a broader regional pattern in which practical, strategic gains are increasingly valued over rigid legal interpretations.

‎Thirdly, ambiguity has become a powerful diplomatic instrument. Strategic silence now serves as an effective tool, allowing actors across the region to de-escalate tensions while retaining the flexibility to adapt their positions. This deliberate ambiguity has enabled stakeholders to navigate complex geopolitical realities without foreclosing future diplomatic options.

‎Conclusion
‎Diplomacy in the Horn of Africa is now characterized by pragmatic alliances, astute strategic maneuvering, and calculated ambiguity. Through its assertive strategic endeavors, Ethiopia has maintained autonomy over its pivotal national project, the GERD; advanced its efforts to secure maritime access via the MoU with Somaliland; and obtained membership in the influential BRICS bloc. Through these efforts, Ethiopia is actively reshaping the regional landscape.

‎In contrast, Egypt and Somalia appear to be struggling to adapt, with their reactive and defensive approaches proving insufficient to stem Ethiopia’s growing strategic momentum. The future of the region will likely be shaped less by traditional legal agreements and more by the strategic positioning and diplomatic agility of its key actors, with Ethiopia currently at the forefront. AS

‎Editor’s Note: Gulaid Yusuf Idaan is a senior lecturer and researcher specializing in diplomacy, politics, and international relations in the Horn of Africa. He can be contacted at Idaan54@gmail.com