Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC) unveiled a schedule of events that will culminate in the declaration of winners for this year’s presidential and party elections.
As previously determined, voters will visit polling stations on November 13, 2024, to elect the state’s leader for the next five years and determine the three parties that will be recognized as national parties for the next decade.
In stark contrast to Somalia, Somaliland has successfully conducted one-person, one-vote elections since 2001, including a public referendum for the national constitution. Since then, the country has held seven additional elections, comprising three presidential elections, two parliamentary elections, and three local council elections (see table below).
Since 2002, the upcoming elections on November 13 will mark the ninth instance of elections and the third occurrence of simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections in a country often recognized as an established democracy and a beacon of stability and democratic values, not only within the Horn of Africa but across the entire continent albeit remaining poorly rewarded by an international community which appears to favor ‘rump‘ Somalia to the south – as a U.S. former diplomat calls it.
Last week, the Commission assured voters that the NEC was fully prepared for the November 13 elections and did not foresee any issues that would hinder the process, given its active communication with all stakeholders.
“Election Timeline, Operational Plans and Budget: NEC has developed a comprehensive work schedule to oversee election preparation which are progressing as planned. We are currently preparing all necessary equipment and ballot boxes for the election and making excellent progress. Additionally, training, awareness campaigns, and regional and district staff recruitment will begin shortly. The NEC has received a budget of $7.5 million for the election thus far. Along with the government, NEC have developed a detailed plan for the disbursement of the remaining funds. The NEC is also in discussions with international donors regarding their potential financial contributions to the election budget,” a statement the electoral body released last Sunday said.
In the statement, the Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC) clarified that in the upcoming elections, the Biometric Voter Verification System (BVVS) will be employed to verify voters before they cast their ballots. This system, a pioneering technological breakthrough, is utilized by only a select few countries worldwide.
Currently, the government is the sole contributor to the available election budget. However, it remains uncertain whether the international development partners, whom the commissioners recently met in Nairobi, will actively participate in the process or if their role will be limited to exerting pressure.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi, received US delegation led by the American Ambassador Richard H. Riley at the presidential palace over the week.
They discussed issues pertaining to the good relations between the two countries and their bolstering, general security in the Horn of Africa region, the upcoming elections and also the agreement between the Republic of Somaliland and the Federal Government of Ethiopia.
The Head of State informed the delegation about the elections slated for November pointing out that all the political parties and the people are in agreement of seeing to it that it is duly held as per cue.
He noted that the state has already facilitated, put in place and availed whatever incumbent upon it to have a successful elections to be held, saying that they have asserted all efforts directed towards it that are thereof required.
The President also briefed the ambassador on the security situation in the Horn of Africa, and highlighted the agreement struck between the Republic of Somaliland and the Federal Government of Ethiopia, noting that what the two countries have agreed upon is their entitlement and for their own good and developmental positive progressive interests.
Furthermore, he explained, the venture in the MoU would fledge development of the region as whole and in par with the targeted millennial goals that are only a plus for all given that it will increase economic, security and trade cooperation.
The President observed that the nation of Somaliland has experience pacification and addressing of any conflicts within it, and that it always finds a peaceful management solution.
He made it clear that the insinuation by Mogadishu al Shabab menace will expand if the MoU made with Ethiopia becomes successful is not tenable since the security cooperation would be further bolster peaceful stability.
He maintained that Somaliland is always for bilateral relations peaceful cooperation with any entity hence it is steadfast in its aspirations as per African Union Charter in safeguarding its territorial integrity as at independence.
The American ambassador stated that his government was ready for cooperation between Somaliland and the United States, and welcomes the progress and democracy that Somaliland has taken.
The President was flanked by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Dr. Issa Keyd Mohamud.
The Ambassador was accompanied on his part by embassy officials Geoffrey Parker and Obermueller Martin
The Federal Government of Ethiopia, has commenced an extensive training program for approximately 8000 specialized personnel from the Republic of Somaliland, signaling a significant shift in regional security dynamics and spheres of influence.
In a landmark diplomatic maneuver on January 1st, a strategic Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between Somaliland and Ethiopia, marking a pivotal shift in Horn of Africa geopolitics. While the full scope of the agreement remains classified, credible sources indicate it encompasses comprehensive cooperation across economic, security, and infrastructure sectors. Regional analysts characterize this MoU as a potential paradigm-altering development, with particular emphasis on its provisions for Ethiopian maritime access and formal recognition of Somaliland’s sovereign status. The agreement is believed to include clauses on joint resource development, shared security protocols, and integrated transportation networks, though these details remain unconfirmed.
The ongoing large-scale military training program is widely interpreted as a direct manifestation of the MoU’s security cooperation framework. The rapid initiation and unprecedented scale of this initiative, underscores the urgency and strategic significance both parties attribute to solidifying their alliance. This swift operationalization suggests a coordinated effort to establish a robust security partnership, potentially altering regional power dynamics and challenging long-standing geopolitical arrangements in the Horn of Africa.
The training program aims to bolster Somaliland’s defense capabilities through advanced instruction in asymmetric warfare tactics, command and control with focus secure communication, weapons systems familiarity, and combat readiness. This initiative is crucial for addressing regional security challenges posed by non-state actors and evolving geopolitical tensions. Somaliland government sources emphasize that the program also prioritizes force protection and enhancing security measures ahead of upcoming elections.
The training initiative is strategically linked to Ethiopia’s interests in safeguarding potential maritime operations, including the protection of naval assets in the region. This aspect underscores the broader geopolitical implications of the partnership.
Djibouti, a key regional stakeholder traditionally serving as a critical maritime logistics hub, has responded to this developing partnership with significant countermeasures. These include the closure of Somaliland’s diplomatic mission and indications of potential support for destabilizing elements in Somaliland. Economic measures against entities involved in the partnership are under consideration, potentially impacting regional trade dynamics and broader geopolitical alignments. Intensive diplomatic efforts are being pursued to counter the growing influence of the partnership.
The potential escalation of tensions, particularly Djibouti’s consideration of proxy warfare, could have far-reaching implications for foreign military presence in the region, including AFRICOM operations. The Horn of Africa hosts several strategic foreign military bases, crucial for counterterrorism efforts, maritime security, and regional stability. Any destabilization or proxy conflict could significantly impact these installations, potentially compromising their operational effectiveness and forcing a reassessment of their strategic value and sustainability.
Moreover, the introduction of proxy elements could create a more complex and unpredictable security environment, potentially leading to increased terrorist activities or regional instability that would directly challenge AFRICOM’s mission objectives. This could necessitate a recalibration of U.S. and allied military strategies in the region, potentially requiring increased resources or a shift in operational focus to maintain strategic interests and regional stability.
Somalia, contesting Somaliland’s autonomy, has also voiced opposition to the bilateral agreement, adding complexity to Ethiopia’s regional engagements and challenging established spheres of influence.
The comprehensive training program reflects multifaceted objectives aimed at enhancing regional security and safeguarding critical interests. By elevating military readiness, the initiative seeks to reinforce regional stability, counter external pressures, and maintain strategic positioning in this crucial area.
This training initiative underscores Ethiopia’s strategic intent to reshape regional security architectures amid escalating tensions and rivalries. Conducted under a formal bilateral framework, it reflects a proactive approach to security policy formation and efforts to address emerging challenges posed by various actors.
The program is poised to significantly impact security dynamics in the Horn of Africa, potentially redefining stability paradigms in a rapidly evolving geopolitical landscape characterized by shifting alliances and power contestations. Ongoing monitoring and analysis of these developments remain crucial for understanding the evolving regional landscape and its broader strategic implications, particularly in light of the potential for proxy conflicts and their impact on international military presence and operations in the region.
The Third President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Dahir Rayale Kahin has once again cautioned Somalilanders and residents of Awdal regional in particular to be wary of Somalia and rest assured that indulgences with them are detrimental to the aspirations of the nation.
The largely respected former head of state was speaking at a function on Tuesday held in his honour whose luncheon was thrown by Sultan Abdiwahab Egge Hassan.
Attendees who graced the luncheon included the Minister of Trade of Somaliland who is the Vice Presidential candidate of the Kulmiye Party in the upcoming elections, the Minister of Education, the Director of Civil Service, the Deputy Minister of Information, Members of Parliament, and other guests.
The former president talked about his honorable role in promoting democracy and establishing the electioneering processes in the country.
He warned Awdalians not to fall prey to what he termed ‘political whirlwinds that sought to stir the community to agitations”.
He urged them to maintain and preserve the stability and harmonious setting that they cherish and prevail, coaxing them to participate duly in the chores of nation-building.
He pointed out that the Awdal community plays an important role in the government, visibly well represented in the administration of the day, and that they ought to take their cue in achieving progress.
He noted that the ill-fated union with the Mogadishu government 64 year ago was detrimental to Somaliland for they are never just nor righteous and only out to engulf Somaliland.
He made it clear that they were not sincere before nor will they ever be, in equitably distributing resources.
Furthermore, he quipped, ‘I solemnly believe that the next three decades would see Somalia in quagmires and political doldrums hence they will never ever hold free and fair elections’.
He made it clear that the country needs nothing from Somalia and it is capably charting its future and aspirations unhindered.
He noted that the political retrogressive and de-capacitating intricacies in Somalia is deep-rooted and has no remedies in the near future at all.
The 2nd meeting of the National Budget Policy Committee was held over the week at the Ministry of Financial Development headquarters in readiness for the one of the next year, 2025.
Several issues under the scope that were discussed and analyzed include:-
Partners to be prioritized in the 2025 budget, in line with the priorities of the 3rd National Development Plan,
Increasing government revenue, with priority given to income tax revenue,
To adopt a progressive taxation system,
To make a fixed allocation in the budget for development projects, as previously decided by the Council of Ministers.
That the pension program under the Pension Act be implemented,
To implement the government employee salary payment system, to be facilitated concertedly by both the Ministry and the Public Service Agency.
That all government vehicles be insured, according to the National Insurance Act.
The Somaliland Government Budget Preparation Committee held its first meeting on the preparation of the 2025 Government Budget policy on July 2, 2024 at the Presidency.
The Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Hon. Rooda Jama Ilmi, has strongly criticized the statements and propaganda that the government of Hassan Sheikh of Mogadishu taking a swipe on the lies peddled about Somaliland.
She took issue with the claim that the accord struck in the end of December last year between Presidents Musa Bihi and Hassan Sheikh in Djibouti was very successful, something she said was in fact grossly false and extremely far from the truth.
The deputy minister confirmed that the said summit was not able to reach the points in contention discussed; “and the only agreement reached was to issue a diplomatic statement reflecting on the previous meetings, which was requested by the president of Djibouti, Ismail Omar Guelleh, who was the host”.
She said that it was quite surprising that within Somalia described the conference as a success that achieved its obligations, and furthermore, she said that they have relentlessly been repeating the claims which would, inevitably, not be binding at all.
On the other hand, Hon. Rooda Jama Ilmi reminded the Mogadishu government that the times when Somaliland’s coasts and ports were used by Somalia for political and economic purposes are over, and now it is time to realize that the nation of Somaliland is at the helm of charting its cause and course hence have complete control over its territories.
She called upon the majority of Somalia population, most of whom have never set foot in Somaliland, and are against the Somaliland –Ethiopia MoU accord not to waste their time and words in utopia that only reveals and underscores their deep-rooted animosity towards because there is nothing they can do about it at all to change the facts.
The Government of the Republic of Somaliland is intent on defending the nation against allied enemies who are out to undermine the country, in the wake of new threats from novice antagonists.
It has officially notified the nation to prepare and be in readiness for the holding of the presidential and political parties come November 13th and at the same time called upon the vigilante defense of the country to the hilt.
The announcements of the notification of the elections being held timely and the defense the nation in the wake of new threats was contained in a press release from the Presidency on Wednesday following an extra ordinary meeting of the members of the cabinet chaired personally by the Head o State H.E. Musa Bihi Abdi, in their 130th session.
“The council of ministers has vividly clarified and declare that the upcoming elections will be held on time and the country should be strongly defended against alliances of novice antagonists who threaten to harm the nation.
The state has severally reiterated the need and desire of the timely holding of elections and has now made it even more vivid through a resolution of the cabinet itself.
The Council of Ministers was given general briefing on the country’s security by the Minister of Interior, Honorable Mohamed Kahin Ahmed who also updated them on the security situation in the Horn of Africa.
Further briefs and reports were heard from the Minister of Finance Mr. Saad Ali Shire who said that his ministry was in the process of embarking on the 2025 financial estimates and Health Minister Hassan Mohamed Ali who dwelt on thevarious itutaion of health issues with the dengue malaise affliction being prioritized.
On his part, Fisheries and Coastal Development minister Hon. Mohamud Warsame Jama shared with the council the plan to increase the development of fisheries in the country which is in great need of the Somaliland community and to find new markets for fish in the country.
Of note is the fact that the Council of Ministers has for the first time in the country’s history delving into the drafts bill of the general penal code of the Republic of Somaliland that the country will have.
They were tabled by the Minister of National Assembly Relations Abdinasir Muhammed Hassan Buuni and the Attorney General Abdirahman Jama Hayan. .
The Minister of Health of Somaliland, Hassan Mohamed Ali (Gaafadi), who was accompanied by the director general of the ministry, was at hand to witness the rehabilitation of kidney dialysis machines for the Borama hospital during his tour to the region.
The minister conducted a monitoring tour through the hospital and was impressed by the progress made as far as developing the health facility was concerned. He also visited other health centers in the city.
Hon. Gafadi was impressed by the new extension buildings at the vast casualty section and that of the surgical unit.
He noted that of the three kidney filtration machines that were at the hospital, two were not in operation and hence were rehabilitated, with one already finalized and hence activated whilst repair work on the other was on.
Minister Hassan Gaafadi, who spoke to the media on the purpose of their trip, said that they started a monitoring observations tour from Borama and they were to visit all the regions of the country.
Hesaid that there is a big positive change in many aspects in the general hospital in Borama city, whether it is in terms of buildings, equipment, and decoration of the center.
He thanked all the staff of the Borama hospital for their work, and everyone who contributed to the progress made by the hospital.
Africa Intelligence report has revealed Djibouti’s alleged involvement in training anti-Somaliland pro-Somalia rebels to destabilize Somaliland. These rebels are reportedly receiving military training at the Guestir military base, located approximately 50 kilometers south of Ali-Sabieh. Djibouti’s motivation appears to stem from a dispute with Somaliland over the latter’s decision to grant Ethiopia access to a leased land along the Red Sea. By supporting these rebel groups, Djibouti seems to be pursuing a possibly miscalculated strategy to assert influence and undermine Somaliland’s control over the Awdal region.
Somaliland, a yet-to-be-recognized republic seeking international recognition, has condemned Djibouti’s actions as provocative and destabilizing. President Muse Bihi Abdi of Somaliland previously accused Djibouti of hosting a separatist rebel group intending to create chaos in the western regions of the breakaway state. Djibouti, however, dismissed this claim as groundless. The situation raises concerns about regional stability and potential conflict dynamics involving Somaliland, Djibouti, and Ethiopia. Diplomatic efforts and dialogue may be crucial in preventing further escalation.
Envious of the Ethiopia-Somaliland Link-up?
It is clear, however, that Djibouti has unreasonably taken umbrage against Somaliland since the latter signed a memorandum of understanding with Ethiopia on January 1st, 2024 and the publication of the World Bank’s Container Performance Report 2023 which placed Djibouti and Mogadishu at 379 and 166, respectively, against Somaliland’s Berbera ranked at 106.
While the port deal offers economic benefits and supports Somaliland’s sovereignty aspirations, Somalia and Djibouti make it appear as it is an action that intentionally seeks to antagonize regional them which further exacerbates security tensions in the region. President Guelleh’s opposition reflects these complexities and he believes that he is justified to poke the fire with multi-pronged rods – an action that may yet boomerang on him and his overstaying dictatorship.
Observers contend that, inherently, among the many implications and resultant outputs of the Ethiopia-Somaliland deal are significant geopolitical implications and security considerations for the Horn of Africa, namely:
Ethiopia and Somaliland Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) grants Ethiopia access to Somaliland’s ports, including Berbera.
In exchange, Ethiopia is to formally recognize Somaliland’s
Berbera, an established city with an existing port infrastructure, was chosen over Zeila due to perceived safety and pragmatism.
The deal eases Ethiopia’s landlocked trade and security constraints and secures maritime access.
Al-Shabaab, an Al-Qaeda-linked group, opposes the deal and accuses Somalia and Djiboutian leaders of complicity with Ethiopia and the West.
The group could exploit tensions arising from the agreement to strengthen its position in Somalia.
Somalia’s President called on international bodies to condemn Ethiopia’s actions.
Djibouti-Somalia Crush
President Guelleh has for a long time been showing his hand in blocking Somaliland’s quest for independence. President Guelleh has consistently opposed Somaliland’s pursuit of independence. Notably, he aligned openly with Somalia, a country that does not recognize Somaliland. Djibouti deployed troops to Somalia for peacekeeping and hosted conferences aimed at reinstating a unified Somali government, excluding Somaliland. He made several ill-fated attempts to bring Somalia and Somaliland together clearly advocating for Somalia’s ‘recolonization’ of a Somaliland it looted, bombed, massacred, and blockaded developmentally for over 60 years.
Guelleh went on record at the time stating that even if the whole world recognized Somaliland he would be the last to do so.
Guelleh’s efforts to reunite Somalia and Somaliland have been controversial, given the historical conflicts and challenges faced by Somaliland during its development. These actions have strained relations between Djibouti and Somaliland.
Guelleh poses with Las Anod rebel leader to spite and provoke a Somaliland reaction
President Guelleh just concluded meetings with Somaliland’s SSC-Khatumo leader and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud signaling a coordinated effort and a declaration of war against the 34-year-old Republic of Somaliland. ‘Djibouti aims to mediate talks between Somaliland and Somalia, seeking stability and regional dialogue’ was the line Guelleh toted before. However, their actions also serve their interests. These latest actions invite trouble to his doorstep as he fully well knows that opposition to his long-serving dictatorship no longer rests on popular support.
Just a few days earlier, the Djibouti government hosted leaders of a pro-Somalia movement supported by the Diaspora, known as the Awdal State, at the Kempinski Hotel. This group aims to remove Somaliland’s control over the Awdal region. It is widely believed that the Guelleh government provided financial support to them before announcing their ‘deportation.’ The training of armed rebels to be smuggled back into the Awdal region resulted directly from secret meetings held during the rebel leaders’ stay in Djibouti.Despite Djibouti’s denials, the ASM leaders’ stay in Djibouti was very conspicuous with them holding press conferences and making threats against Somaliland, and with them openly engaging in activities supporting their cause for Somalia’s unity and against Somaliland’s control over the Awdal region.
Somaliland Role in Djibouti Independence
During the struggle for Djibouti’s independence, the people of Somaliland played a notable role in supporting their neighboring territory. Djibouti, formerly known as French Somaliland, sought independence from French colonial rule, which was achieved on June 27, 1977. The movement for independence in Djibouti was fueled by a desire for self-determination and resistance against colonial oppression.
The people of Somaliland, sharing cultural, historical, and ethnic ties with Djibouti, provided various forms of support to their neighbors. This support included political solidarity, logistical assistance, and moral encouragement. Many individuals from Somaliland participated in demonstrations, provided refuge to Djiboutian activists, and helped to smuggle information and resources across the border. Women all over Somaliland sold their jewelry to finance the Djibouti struggle selflessly putting their own aside. Men volunteered to lend Djiboutians a hand wherever needed even if it came to losing their own lives. The tousing poetry and songs that curdled nationalism blood to action were largely of Somaliland’s composition and delivery.
The Somali National Movement (SNM), which was primarily focused on the liberation of Somaliland from the Siad Barre regime, also expressed support for Djibouti’s independence efforts. This mutual solidarity highlighted the broader regional desire for independence and self-governance among Somali-speaking populations in the Horn of Africa.
The collaboration between the people of Somaliland and Djibouti during this period underscored the interconnectedness of their struggles against colonial rule and the pursuit of national sovereignty. This shared experience fostered a sense of unity and collective identity among Somali communities across borders, contributing to the eventual success of Djibouti’s quest for independence.
During the 1980s, however, as Siad Barre’s regime intensified its persecution of the Isaaq clan in Somaliland, leading to widespread human rights abuses and massacres, Djibouti succumbed to diplomatic pressure from various sides. The Barre regime sought to ensure that Djibouti would not become a base for opposition groups, such as the Somali National Movement (SNM), which was fighting against Barre’s government. Djibouti, seeking to maintain its sovereignty and avoid conflict with Somalia, took measures to limit the activities of opposition groups within its borders.
Djibouti, under the leadership of President Hassan Gouled Aptidon, generally adopted a stance of political neutrality regarding the internal conflicts in neighboring Somalia.
Somalilanders were not impressed by the so-called neutral stance of a country they fought for without reservation. Djibouti, also, wholly credited Siyad Barre for the attainment of its independence later thus sidelining the colossal support of Somalilanders to the effort.
Today, Djibouti sheds that pretense and is out to wipe Somaliland – as it stands today – off the world map. It is leading a replay of Mogadishu’s genocide drive which failed in the late 80s, according to the street belief in Somaliland cities.
What Djibouti Stands to Lose in Rash Move
Djibouti stands to lose much in the escalation of tensions with Ethiopia and Somaliland that the latter now appears to favor over the players in the region.
In 2022, Djibouti exported goods worth $306,000 to Ethiopia. The main products Djibouti exported to Ethiopia included Palm Oil ($299 million), Seed Oils ($26.7 million), and Scrap Iron ($2.43 million). However, it’s worth noting that Djibouti’s exports to Ethiopia have decreased over the past five years partly due to the emergence of Berbera port as a formidable competitor.
Ethiopia’s exports to Djibouti have been on the rise, growing at an annual rate of 16.4% over the past five years. In 2022, Ethiopia exported goods valued at $82.2 million to Djibouti. Key export items from Ethiopia to Djibouti included Other Vegetables ($42.7 million), Cassava ($21.1 million), and Dried Vegetables ($3.97 million).
Over 95% of Ethiopia’s import-export trade (by volume) relies on the Addis-Djibouti corridor. The corridor connects landlocked Ethiopia to the port of Djibouti, facilitating trade and economic activities.
In 2010, Djiboutian lawmakers removed term limits, allowing Guelleh to run for a third term in 2011. Since then, elections have been farcical exercises, with no genuine competition. In the most recent “election,” Guelleh claimed victory with over 97% of the vote, facing only a family relative as an opponent. The removal of term limits solidified his grip on power.
Under Guelleh’s regime, human rights and civil liberties are routinely violated. Djibouti ranks 176 out of 180 countries in press freedom, according to Reporters Without Borders. Freedom House consistently rates the country as “Not Free,” citing authoritarian governance. Poor prison conditions, denial of fair trials, and restrictions on freedoms of the press, assembly, and association persist.
On its part, Somaliland has not yet taken any steps to counter Djibouti’s open war against its ‘sovereignty’ and ‘territorial integrity’ or the opposition to efforts to develop its economy and infrastructure. Somaliland, however, is keenly monitoring the situation and may not sit back with folded hands for long. Only, how its reaction will manifest itself is not yet clear.
During a visit to Somaliland, Sir Mo Farah, Save the Children ambassador and four-time Olympic gold medallist, witnessed the severe impact of climate change on child malnutrition.
In Gabiley, he met mothers at a health center who shared how droughts and floods have made feeding their families difficult, leaving nearly seven million people in need of aid.
Farah also met mothers at a hospital who traveled long distances with malnourished children. He praised their strength, calling their choices “impossible.”
Somalia faces extreme food insecurity due to prolonged droughts and severe flooding, with four million people and nearly two million children at risk of acute malnutrition.
Farah highlighted the essential work of Save the Children, which has operated in Somalia for over 70 years, providing vital health, nutrition, and education support. In 2023, they helped 4.7 million people, including over 2.47 million children.
Since 2002, the upcoming elections on November 13 will mark the ninth instance of elections and the third occurrence of simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections in a country often recognized as an established democracy and a beacon of stability and democratic values, not only within the Horn of Africa but across the entire continent albeit remaining poorly rewarded by an international community which appears to favor ‘rump‘ Somalia to the south – as a U.S. former diplomat calls it.
President Guelleh has for a long time been showing his hand in blocking Somaliland’s quest for independence. President Guelleh has consistently opposed Somaliland’s pursuit of independence. Notably, he aligned openly with Somalia, a country that does not recognize Somaliland. Djibouti deployed troops to Somalia for peacekeeping and hosted conferences aimed at reinstating a unified Somali government, excluding Somaliland. He made several ill-fated attempts to bring Somalia and Somaliland together clearly advocating for Somalia’s ‘recolonization’ of a Somaliland it looted, bombed, massacred, and blockaded developmentally for over 60 years.
