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Open Letter to the President of the United States

By
Goth Mohamed
-
0

The White House

1600 Pennsylvania Avenue

Washington, D.C. 20500

Dear Mr. President,

I am writing to inform you about Somaliland’s compelling argument for international recognition and highlight its significant achievements. Situated in the Horn of Africa, Somaliland is a democratic, peaceful, and stable nation, yet it remains unrecognized by the global community. It shares borders with Ethiopia, Somalia, and Djibouti. Importantly, Somaliland achieved independence from British rule on June 26, 1960, prior to Somalia’s independence. While a union between Somaliland and Somalia was initially proposed, the plan ultimately failed early on, lacking both formal ratification and legal documentation to officially establish the unification.

Somaliland actively pursues international recognition of its sovereignty, and despite not being formally recognized by many, enjoys robust diplomatic ties with several nations. Taiwan, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Turkey maintain embassies in its capital, Hargeisa. Due to its strategically important location, Somaliland presents an attractive opportunity for establishing military bases to safeguard international trade routes through the Red Sea. Its advanced port in Berbera also positions it as a key trade hub capable of supplying landlocked East African nations. We welcome the United States and its allies to consider leasing land for a military base in Somaliland.

Somaliland’s journey began with rebuilding from the ground up after significant losses. Over the years, Somaliland has reconstructed its nation, established its own government, and met all the criteria for international recognition. It boasts clearly defined borders, a permanent population, and a functioning government capable of international agreement. Somaliland has developed its constitution and laws, prioritizing peace, security, and stability while upholding human rights, freedom, and democratic principles. It has conducted numerous elections—presidential, parliamentary, and local—adhering to the principle of one person, one vote. Its legal framework aligns with international standards. Furthermore, the U.S. Department of State now recognizes civil documents such as marriage and birth certificates, as well as affidavits of support issued by the Somaliland government.

Somaliland has made significant strides in building strong relations with its neighbors, African nations, and Western powers, particularly the U.S. and the EU. It is actively working towards the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on poverty reduction, hunger elimination, and combating climate change to ensure a sustainable future for generations to come. The people of Somaliland demonstrate remarkable resilience, perseverance, and unity in overcoming challenges and transforming problems into opportunities.

Somaliland has the right to self-determination and self-existence. Somalilanders have determined never to reunite with Somalia, which remains fragile and unstable. Our territorial integrity is non-negotiable, and we have the right to international recognition. We deserve our seat at the United Nations to contribute to addressing global challenges and developing sustainable solutions. Somaliland’s claim for recognition is supported by principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 3, 1948) and the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933).

Somaliland stands as a beacon of progress in the region, achieving remarkable milestones through unity, collaboration, and resilience. Our commitment to democracy, peaceful transitions of power, and strong public institutions sets an example for neighboring states. The people of Somaliland are prepared to face any difficulties that arise, confident that challenges will not slow our progress. We remain steadfast in our pursuit of international recognition and have established strong diplomatic partnerships with the United States.

The time is now for the world to acknowledge Somaliland. The U.S., the European Union, and the United Nations should formally recognize Somaliland as an independent nation. Somaliland met all the criteria for statehood two decades ago, and its eligibility is undeniable. While recognition should have happened twenty years ago, the second-best time is today. International recognition is crucial for the people of Somaliland, unlocking opportunities such as foreign investment, easier travel, global business partnerships, and full integration into the international community.

Mr. President, we urge you to look beyond initial impressions and carefully consider Somaliland’s accomplishments and progress. We believe you can be the catalyst for meaningful change.

Your cooperation is greatly appreciated.

With sincere gratitude,

About the Author

Shuaib Omer

Shuaib Omer
Shuaib Omer

Contractor/Passionate Advocate for Somaliland Recognition – United States

 X Formerly Twitter https://x.com/shuaib

 

Somaliland: General Security and Financial and Economic Progress discussed at the Weekly Cabinet Meeting

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa, April 2, 2025-The 14th session of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Somaliland, chaired by H.E. President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro), was held today at the Presidential Palace. The meeting addressed several critical national issues, including:

(1) General Security Update
The Minister of Interior and Security provided a comprehensive report on the country’s security situation, confirming overall stability while acknowledging daily criminal incidents and traffic accidents. The minister emphasized the need for heightened vigilance regarding potential threats from regional instability in the Red Sea and tensions among global powers.

(2) Financial and Economic Progress
The Minister of Finance and Economic Development presented an update on Somaliland’s fiscal status, revenue collection, and economic growth. He reported the successful completion of the first quarter of the 2025 budget, with a notable 19% revenue increase compared to 2024. The minister also highlighted improvements in the tax integration system for electricity and telecommunications companies, which is expected to further boost national income.

(3) Drought and Water Crisis Response
The Minister of Water Resources Development briefed the council on the severe drought and water shortages in eastern regions, stressing the need for a coordinated national relief effort.

(4) Youth and Sports Development
The Minister of Youth and Sports shared updates on sports activities, challenges, and initiatives to enhance youth engagement. He announced the conclusion of regional football tournaments in Awdal and Saaxil, as well as the Sports Stakeholders Conference. Preparations are underway for the Somaliland Football Federation elections and an upcoming multi-sport tournament in Hargeisa in August 2025.

(5) Media and National Unity
The Minister of Information, Culture, and National Awareness reaffirmed the ministry’s role as a public service institution. He declared that state media will no longer be a platform for division but will instead promote balanced, fact-based reporting in the national interest. Plans were also announced for a National Cultural Conference.

(6) Eid al-Fitr Celebrations
The President received reports from ministers deployed across Somaliland’s regions to celebrate Eid al-Fitr with local communities. The ministers noted the public’s warm reception of government leaders during the festivities.

(7) Peacebuilding and Militia Integration
Finally, the President shared progress on the peaceful disarmament and integration of militias in the Sanaag region, particularly in Erigavo, praising the efforts of the Vice President and his delegation. He expressed optimism about the ongoing peace process in El Afweyn and announced plans to extend militia integration to other eastern regions soon.

 

A New Era of Leadership: 100 Days of Rapid Progress, Security, and Hope.

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

By Prof. Nasir Hussein Kahin 

In its first 100 days, the newly elected Somaliland government has launched multiple projects and diplomatic initiatives aimed at strengthening governance, security, economic development, and international recognition.

Key Achievements:

  1. Diplomatic Engagements:

• President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi Irro actively pursued Somaliland’s recognition at the World Government Summit in Dubai, where he engaged with global leaders, investors, and policymakers.

• He held high-level meetings with UAE officials, the Dubai Chamber of Commerce, the UAE Central Bank, and DP World to discuss trade and investment.

• Somaliland reaffirmed its diplomatic presence through discussions on strategic partnerships, particularly in security and logistics, given Somaliland’s crucial position in the Horn of Africa.

  1. Infrastructure and Economic Development:

• The government has initiated plans to expand road networks, which is a critical step for economic integration and trade facilitation.

• Efforts have been made to strengthen Somaliland’s livestock trade, particularly with Ethiopia, a key economic partner.

Security and Governance:

• The administration has focused on integrating tribal armed forces into the national security structure, a move seen as vital for long-term stability.

• Efforts to reduce internal conflicts and promote national cohesion have been a significant part of the first 100 days.

  1. Public Awareness & Good Governance:

• Campaigns against tribalism and nepotism have been launched to foster a more merit-based governance system.

• The government has been actively working to communicate its vision and policies transparently to the public.

Overall, these initiatives indicate a strong start for the new administration, with a balanced focus on security, economic growth, and international recognition. The next phase will likely focus on solidifying these achievements and expanding diplomatic engagements to push for global recognition of Somaliland’s sovereignty.

By Prof. Nasir Hussein Kahin , Managing Editor at BridgingSomaliland.com

Source: https://bridgingsomaliland.com/

 

 

A new report on Somaliland recognition is to be tabled in UK Parliament the coming weeks

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

By Goth Mohamed Goth

A new report on Somaliland recognition is to be tabled in UK Parliament the coming weeks.One of the big changes that will be happening in the upcoming report for the UK parliament on Somaliland is clarity- at last- over the legality of the original union.

Previously, Gavin Williamson served as the UK’s Secretary of Defense and has twice introduced motions in the UK Parliament related to the recognition of Somaliland’s independence.

Inevitable the UK will at last do what is the best interests both of Somaliland and of the UK, itself- through recognition. Now gathering evidence for the Select Committee as well as APPG.
Momentum is building

Somaliland is Quietly Become a Regional Flashpoint

By
Goth Mohamed
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0
The would-be state could leverage its location to achieve recognition.
By  | March 31, 2025

Somaliland is a breakaway state in Somalia that has spent the past few decades fighting and pushing for independence from the unstable turbulence in Somalia. Somaliland’s people have also suffered from the Horn of Africa’s destabilization resulting from the wars and ethnic cleansing in Somalia, Ethiopia, and Sudan.

Currently, several ongoing conflicts are intertwined with Somaliland’s fight for international legitimacy, and the people of the unrecognized state could suffer the most if this regional cataclysm isn’t contained.

Somaliland’s Status

Against the backdrop of the European scramble for Africa, Somaliland came under the control of British rule, while the rest of Somalia fell under the Kingdom of Italy. In the aftermath of World War II and decolonization, the British Empire granted Somaliland brief independence only if it united with the former Trust Territories of Italy.

After uniting with the Italian protectorate, Somaliland was marginalized in the newly formed constitution, and the northerners gradually rose up against various regimes that controlled Mogadishu. Having reached their threshold of oppression and marginalization, Somalilanders launched a war of independence in 1981 against the federal government.

The Siad Barre regime, which ruled during this time, crushed the uprising, leading to the Isaaq genocide that killed 200,000 people. Somaliland, with its capital in Hargeisa, achieved nominal independence in the early 1990s, albeit without international recognition.

Tensions Between Ethiopia and Somalia

Ethiopia, which once had a presence on the Red Sea during its imperial days, is now a landlocked country without a sovereign trade route. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has looked for access to the Red Sea as Ethiopia’s population continues to rise.

Somaliland could be the key to this strategy. In January 2024, Addis Ababa signed a recognition memorandum with Hargeisa in return for Red Sea access, which triggered condemnation from rivals Mogadishu and Cairo. Somalia already has territorial disputes with Ethiopia, and Egypt is in a state of diplomatic conflict with the latter over the Grand Renaissance Ethiopian Dam (GERD).

Somalia, which actively lobbies against Somaliland’s self-determination, formed an alliance with the militarily powerful Egypt. In mid-2024, Cairo sent several thousand forces to reinforce Somalia’s position in an effort to coerce Ethiopia and Somaliland into negotiations favorable to Mogadishu.

Turkey quietly intervened as a power broker and lead negotiator, bringing Somalia and Ethiopia to the negotiating table in Ankara in December 2024. Though tensions have subsided, if negotiations break down between Ethiopia and Sudan, a war with Somaliland caught in the middle becomes considerably more likely.

Staging Ground against Houthis and Iran?

Somaliland’s fight for international recognition is picking up support from the Trump administration. Somaliland was one of the places that the administration mentioned as a possible site of relocation of Palestinians displaced from Gaza as part of Trump’s plan to turn the strip into a luxury resort. But Somaliland, which sits adjacent to Yemen along the Red Sea, is also connected to the current conflict involving the Houthis.

Over the past year and a half, the Houthis in Yemen have sustained a frequent campaign against commercial shipping in the Red Sea in support of Hamas, hoping the international community would pressure Israel into stopping the war. Simultaneously, the Houthis are an Iranian proxy that receives funding and weapons directly from Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

Operation Prosperity Guardian, the U.S. military campaign in 2024, failed to deter Ansar Allah from attacking naval vessels, and the new administration now wants a firmer strategy of containment. In mid-March 2025, the U.S. Fifth Fleet began a sustained bombing campaign to take out Houthi command posts and storage sites.

Reports surfaced in late 2024 that Israel plans to open a military base in Somaliland. Somaliland’s geography would give a further advantage to Israel in its shadow war against Iran by providing launch pads to quickly strike Houthis before their ballistic missiles and drones reach Israel.

With U.S. backing for independence and Israeli military support for its base, any retaliation against Somaliland would almost certainly have repercussions diplomatically and militarily by either the U.S. or Israel. Furthermore, Somaliland does not have any geographic neighbors to their East, except the Red Sea. One of Iran’s key nuclear reactors, the Bouchehr, is located near the Persian Gulf in the vicinity of the coast. If Israel were to one day strike one of Iran’s nuclear reactors, the F-35 Adir squadron could take off from Somaliland and strike Bouchehr directly without flying over Arab land borders, which further gives Israeli pilots opportunities to evade enemy air defense systems.

Although Somaliland has suffered decades of oppression, its fight for recognition may come with ultimatums and coercion from various countries that wish to use Hargeisa geographically to achieve regional goals. If any of those larger geopolitical plans go awry, the people of Somaliland would suffer the most.

Somaliland & Somalia: The 1960 Act of Union – An early lesson for Somaliland

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

LAW OF UNION BETWEEN SOMALILAND AND SOMALIA:  Law No: 1 of 1960 – 27 JUNE 1960

Commentary:

 Prior to attaining independence on 26 June 1960, Somaliland was very much interested in pursuing the dream of a Greater Somali State encompassing all the five territories inhabited by people of Somali ethnic origin.  After discussions in 1960, Representatives of Somaliland and Somalia agreed that an Act of Union will be signed by both states on independence and that this document will be in the nature of an international agreement between the two states. The Legislative Assembly of the independent STATE OF SOMALILAND therefore signed the Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law  (set out below) on 27 June 1960.  The Law was immediately effective in Somaliland, but as set out in the recital, it was supposed to be signed by the representatives of Somalia, as well. In fact, this never happened.  Instead the Legislative Assembly of the Somalia Trust Territory met on 30 June 1960 and decided to approve “in principle” an Act of Union (Atto di Unioni), which was significantly different from this Act of Union.   According to Contini, (The Somali Republic: An Experiment in Legal Integration, Frank Cass & Co. Lt 1969: London), the Assembly requested the “Government of Somalia to establish with the Government of Somaliland a definitive single text of the Act of Union, to be submitted to the National Assembly for approval”.

 

What happened instead was that on the morning 1st July 1960, the members of the Somaliland Legislative and those of the Somalia Legislative met in a joint session and the Constitution which was drafted in Somalia was accepted on the basis of an acclamation, with no discussion,  and a Provisional President was elected. This step was taken whilst relying on an additional clause inserted on 18 June 1960 in the draft Constitution to the effect that

 

“immediately after the signing the Act of Union of the two Somali Territories (Somalia and Somaliland), the new National Assembly shall elect  … a Provisional President of the Republic…”  

 

Presaging what was to happen again and again in the relationship between Somaliland and Somalia, the newly elected Provisional President than issued on the same day a decree law aiming to formalise the union, but even that was never converted into Law as presidential decree laws always required to be presented  to the National Assembly for conversion into Law under Article 63(3) of the new Constitution within five days of their publication, otherwise they “shall cease to have effect ab initio” i.e from their date of issue.   In any case, the reality was that there were two different versions of the same “law”.

 

Thus, although the clear plan and agreement between Somaliland and Somalia was that the same Act of Union will be signed by both states, the legal formalities, as agreed, were not completed properly and, according to Contini,

 

“ the Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law did not have any legal validity in the South (Somalia) and the approval “in principle” of the Atto di Unione was not sufficient to make it legally binding in that territory.”

 

Cotran [(1968)12 ICLQ 1010] comments that the legal validity of the legislative instruments establishing the union were “questionable” and he summarises the reasons as follows:

 

“a) The Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law, and the Somalia Act of Union were both drafted in the form of bilateral agreements, but neither of them was signed by the representatives of the two territories.

  1. b) The Union of Somaliland andSomaliaLaw purported to derogate in some respects from the Constitution of the Somali Republic.
  2. c) TheSomaliaAct of Union was approved “in principle” but never enacted into law.
  3. d) The decree law of July 1, 1960, did not come into effect since it was not converted into lawin accordance with the Constitution.”

 

It was only on 18 January 1961 when a new Act of Union was put to the National Assembly, and was promulgated on 31 January 1961. This Law entitled the “Act of Union”  was made retrospective even though there is a generally accepted principle that laws should not be retroactive. The new Act of Union was different from the one signed by the Somaliland Legislature and re-produced below. The Law of Union passed by the Somaliland Legislature contained some guarantees about the laws applicable in Somaliland, the rights of Somaliland serving officers, which should not become less favourable than was applicable to them at the time of the union, the establishment of a special Commission on laws and its composition etc.  These were, in hindsight,  the only,  rather half hearted, demands that the Somaliland made at the time of the union.  But the 1961 retrospective Act was very clear in repealing anything which was inconsistent with the 1960 Somalia Constitution, and specifically repealed “the provisions of the Union of Somaliland and Somalia (Law No.1 of 1960)” except for Article 11(4) which, as you can see below relates to agreements entered into by the independent State of Somaliland (see Article 9(2) of the 1961 Act of Union).

 

This was a clear indication that Somaliland was an independent state with a Government of its own, however short that period was, and under Article 11(4) of the 1961 Act of Union, it was again confirmed that

 

 “all rights lawfully vested in or obligations lawfully incurred by the independent Governments of Somaliland and Somalia … shall be deemed to have been transferred to and accepted by the Somali Republic upon its establishment”.

 

What this confirms again is that there was a union of two states, but more importantly, that Somaliland was an independent state before the union and has entered into treaties with Great Britain during that period.  This is of considerable legal significance because so many people, specially in Africa, still think of Somaliland as a region seceding from the now defunct Somali (Democratic) Republic rather than a former independent state withdrawing, albeit unilaterally, from a union of two states – a position which is currently unique in Africa as there is no other territory or even region in a similar position.

Finally, no one is contesting that the independent State of Somaliland and its people sought to unite with Somalia on 1 July 1960, and Somalilanders are still counting the cost of that precipitate decision. But the issue is that the way the legal formalities of this voluntary union were dealt with and how the Constitution was drafted for Somalia (and not Somaliland) were early harbingers of the tragedy that was to follow, because even the Act of Union formula of a Republic Legislative consisting of the Somaliland Legislative Assembly (of 33) and Somalia’s Legislative Assembly (of 90) was jettisoned a few years later. 

Ibrahim Hashi Jama, Editor

www.somalilandlaw.com © 2006

 

LAW OF UNION BETWEEN SOMALILAND AND SOMALIA:  Law No: 1 of 1960 –  Passed by the Independent State of Somaliland Legislature on 27 JUNE 1960

 

Whereas the State of Somaliland achieved independence and ceased to be under British  protection or within the jurisdiction and sovereignty of Her Britannic Majesty on the 26th day  of June, 1960, being Muharram 1st 1379, and Whereas  the State of Somalia achieved its independence and ceased to have the status of a Trust Territory of  the United Nations Organisation administered by the  Republic of Italy on the 1st day of July, 1960,  being Muharram 6th 1379, and Whereas it is the will  of the peoples of Somaliland and Somalia that their  States shall unite and shall forever be united in the Somali Republic.

Now we the signatories hereof being the duly authorized representatives of the  peoples of Somaliland and Somalia and having vested in us the power to make and enter into this Law of Union on behalf of our respective States and peoples do hereby solemnly and in the name of God the Compassionate and Merciful agree as follows:

  1. (a)        The State of Somaliland and the State of Somalia do hereby unite and shall forever remain united in a new, independent, democratic, unitary republic the name whereof shall be the Somali Republic.
    (b)       The Capital of the Somali Republic shall be Mogadishu.
  2. Subject to the express provisions of this Act of Union the Union hereby constituted shall be upon the following conditions:
    (1)         That the component administrative units of the government of the Somali Republic until more suitable administrative arrangements are made, shall be firstly the region comprising the territories contained in the boundaries of the presently existing State of Somaliland [hereinafter referred to as the Northern Region] and secondly those presently existing territories which comprise the six  Regions of Mijertein, Mudugh, Hiran, Benadir, Upper Juba    and Lower Juba all in Somalia (hereinafter collectively referred to as the second-named Regions).
    (2)        That the existing laws presently in force in the Northern Region and in the second-named Regions respectively shall  remain in full force and effect within the respective territories where the same presently apply and shall not have force or effect beyond those respective territories where the same presently apply.
    (3)        That all persons now serving the Somaliland Government in the Northern Region and the Government of Somalia in the  second-named Regions respectively shall continue to serve the Government of the Somali Republic upon terms not less favourable than those at present applicable to them.
    (4)        That the Courts as presently constituted in the aforesaid Northern Region and the aforesaid second-named Regions shall continue to exercise within their respective territories the jurisdiction which is conferred upon them by   presently existing law and shall be Courts of the Somali nation;
    (5)        That all rights and obligations vested or accruing, whether public or private (including any status of legal personality acquired under law by corporate or non-corporate bodies) shall continue to subsist in accordance with sub-clause (2) hereof, be recognised and enforced by the Courts of the Somali Republic referred to in sub-clause (4) hereof and by the  Government in the Somali Republic.
    (6)        That in the Somali Republic the national languages of the Republic shall be as to the spoken tongue Somali, and as to the written language Arabic, English and Italian, which shall have equal status.
  3. (1)        All persons who upon the date of this Union possess the citizenship of Somaliland and Somalia respectively shall by this Union now become citizens of the Somali Republic.
    (2)        All persons who hereafter would, but for this Union, have become citizens of Somaliland or Somalia respectively under the law of either of the two uniting States as presently subsisting, shall hereafter become citizens of the Somali Republic.
  4. The Head of State of the Somali Republic shall be the President of the Republic chosen in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution referred to in Article 7 hereof.
  5. The Executive Authority of the Somali Republic shall be vested in the Council of Ministers appointed in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution referred to in Article 7 hereof and shall be exercised as therein provided.
  6. The legislative power of the Somali Republic shall be vested in the National Assembly constituted in accordance with the  provisions of the Constitution referred to in Article 7 hereof and shall be exercised as therein provided.
  7. The Constitution of the Somali Republic shall be the Constitution of the State of Somalia with such adaptations as may be necessary to bring it into conformity with this Act of Union but notwithstanding the provisions thereof relating to amendment, no amendment of that Constitution shall derogate from the conditions of Union set forth in clause 2 hereof unless made in accordance with the procedure and provisions set forth in clause 10 hereof.

  1. (1)        Upon this Act being made the presently subsisting Legislative Assemblies of Somaliland and Somalia respectively shall cease as such to subsist: but the existing elected members of the said Legislative Assemblies  shall constitute the first National Assembly of the Somali Republic. Immediately upon the National Assembly of the Somali Republic being constituted under these provisions, the members thereof shall each before the person presiding over the National Assembly make an oath of allegiance to the Somali Republic.

           (2)        The existing President or Vice-President of the Legislative
Assembly of Somalia shall preside over the National Assembly of the Somali Republic for the purpose of taking the oaths of allegiance in accordance with sub-clause (1) hereof and  for the purpose of electing the first President of the National Assembly only.

           (3)        The members of the Council of Ministers after being appointed in accordance with the Constitution shall each make an oath of allegiance to the Somali Republic before the President of the National Assembly.

  1. (1)        Notwithstanding anything in clause 2 hereof, the citizens of the Somali Republic shall have the right freely to move for lawful purposes throughout the territory of the Republic subject to the provisions of any law relating to public order or human or animal health.

           (2)        Notwithstanding anything in clause 2 hereof there shall be no customs, excise or other tax imposed upon the movement of goods (including animals) between any parts of the territory of the Somali Republic, providing such goods originate from the Region from which they are proceeding.

           (3)        Until unification of customs tariffs is achieved, goods imported from foreign countries, land moving from the Northern Region to the second-named Regions and vice versa shall be subject to the customs laws at present in force: in the Northern Region and the second-named Regions.

  1. (1)        There shall he established a Special Commission the members of which shall be persons who were immediately  prior to this Act of Union either members of the Legislative Assembly of Somalia or members of the Legislative Assembly of Somaliland together with a Chairmen being a member of  the National Assembly a pointed by the members of the         Commission.
    (2)        The members of the Special Commission (other than the Chairman) shall be appointed by the President of the Somali Republic acting on the advice of the Council of Ministers and shall consist of an equal number of former members of the Legislative Assembly of Somalia and former members of the legislative Assembly of Somaliland.

           (3)        The Special Commission shall examine into and make recommendations (which in the event of the Commission not being unanimous shall be the recommendations of a majority of its members to which a minority report shall be attached) as to the provisions to be made from time to time by law for the purpose of establishing uniformity between the laws, institutions, public services and social services presently existing in the regions referred to in clause 2 (1) hereof.
(4)        The Special Commission shall for the aforesaid purposes be empowered to establish sub-commissions or committees, the members whereof may include other persons, and to engage or call for assistance from any person by way of advice or otherwise.

           (5)        A Special Commission shall from time to time report to the Council of Ministers as to its recommendations under sub-clause (3) of this Clause and the Council of Ministers shall thereupon with all reasonable dispatch lay such report before the National Assembly together with the proposed legislation to be made to give effect thereto.
(6)        The National Assembly shall thereupon decide by a majority of the members thereof present and voting upon such proposed legislation whether the same shall be enacted.
(7)         Upon the National Assembly so deciding then the President shall assent to such legislation and upon the same coming into operation any condition set forth in clause 2 hereof shall so far as it is inconsistent with such legislation be abrogated.

           (8)        The Special Commission may with the approval of the Council of Ministers make rules regulating its procedure and
providing for the duration of the appointments of its members, the remuneration of any persons whose  participation or assistance is called for under sub-clause (3) hereof, the filling of vacancies in membership and all other  matters as may be required for the performance of the functions conferred upon the Special Commission by this  clause: Provided that if the Special Commission fails to make rules under this sub-clause in accordance with a request made to it by the Council of Ministers, the Council of Ministers may make the said rules.

           (9)        Any rules made under sub-clause (8) may be added to, amended or revoked in the same manner.

  1. (1)        Any property (including any rights arising from contracts or otherwise) that is immediately before this Act of Union vested in the Government of Somaliland or in the State of Somalia shall upon this Act being made vest in the Somali Republic or In any such person or authority on behalf of the Somali Republic as the Council of Ministers may direct.
    (2)        Any liabilities or obligation (whether arising from contract or otherwise) incurred by the Government of Somaliland or by the State of Somalia and subsisting immediately before this Act of Union shall upon this Act of Union being made be a liability or obligation of the Somali Republic or of such person or authority on behalf of the Somali Republic as the Council of Ministers may direct.

           (3)        For the purposes of the preceding sub-clause, any property which immediately before the making of this Act of Union was vested in, or any liability or obligation which at that time had been incurred by, any person or authority on behalf of the Government of Somaliland the State of Somalia   shall be deemed to be property vested in or a liability or obligation incurred by the respective Government or State.

           (4)        Without derogation from the foregoing provisions of this Clause the rights and obligations arising from agreements entered into – between the Government of Somaliland and the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and between the Government of Somalia  and the Government of Italy and other States and International Organisations which are set out in the Schedule (2) to this Act shall be binding upon the Somali Republic.

  1. (1)        For the time being the provision subsisting immediately before the making of this Act of Union for the expenditure of public monies of the Somali Republic hereby constituted within and upon the Northern Region and the second-named Regions shall as far as practicable continue to the intent that those monies which have been authorised to be expended within and upon the respective Northern Region and second- named Regions shall continue to be expended upon the public service and upon the development and welfare and in  the service of the said Northern Region and the second-   named Regions and the inhabitants thereof respectively.
    (2)        For the time being the presently subsisting provision for the expenditure of public monies (including such monies as may be provided by way of assistance from foreign States) upon the development and welfare of the aforesaid Northern Region and second-named Regions and the inhabitants thereof respectively shall as far as practicable continue to the intent that those schemes of development and welfare which are now current shall be completed and that those schemes of development and welfare which have been planned shall be proceeded with within the respective Northern Region and second-named Regions hereinbefore referred to and for the benefit of their respective inhabitants.

           (3)        The Supreme Court of the Somali Republic shall have appellate jurisdiction in relation to decisions of the Courts
now constituted and which will continue to subsist in the aforesaid Northern Region.

 

The Great Somali Chess Game: Diplomacy, Desperation, and Delusions of Control

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

By Abdul Rafay Afzal

Ah, Somalia, the land of misunderstanding which by now has one of the world’s most interesting definitions of unity, that of a government. In the last chapter of this political drama, Somalia has brought a new twist by offering share of ports and military base in areas famously known that it has no control over. This has been described as diplomatic, desperate and downrightoriginal and has left those observing this political game of chess scratching their heads and chuckling nervously and asking the age-old question: is this really the best performance art piece available out there?

The Generosity of Offering What You Don’t Own

Just for the record, there is something somewhat amusing about Mogadishu’s cantonment’s buxomness in leasing out real estate that it has not directly governed for several decades. Puntland that state in the northeastern part of Somalia declared in 2024 that it would not entertain federalism as it chooses the life of adventure. The self-acclaimed state of Somaliland has been governing itself since 1991 including conducting of elections, having its distinct passports and flag though it is not recognisedby international community. Yet here comes Somalia’s federal government, waving a map and saying to America, “Hey guy, this is the place to have a naval base in Berbera”. How about a port in Bosaso?” It is as if they are selling tickets to a mansion, which they lost due to a divorce. One might appreciate it as a positive state of mind, although it seems to be quite unrealistic in real life.

Puntland and Somaliland, on the other hand, have opened their mouths and replied to the Kismayu statement with an eyeroll of a response. Both parties immediately dismissed Mogadishu’s offer in what could be best translated to mean, “No, thanks, we got this”. Somaliland was not wasting any time and had negotiated the best deal with the Americans too, our base for recognition. This point of view can be described as ironic – even more ironic than a Somali sandstorm. The Somali government, which is barely able to exercise power within its confines even within Mogadishu, is now gradually trying to become the representative and coordinator of territories that consider it, at best, a tolerable nuisance.

A Counteroffer? Distraction? Or Just Chaos?

Well, let me tell you this and that: the timing of Mogadishu’s proposal is what would best be described as you know what now. Somaliland’s recognition bid has been still in the process of on and off, especially during the Trump administration when the term ‘unpredictable’ as foreign policy meant ‘hold my beer.’ In Mogadishu there is that rather ominous thought which runs through the population’s vein: What if one fine day the U.S looked at the map and decided to recognize Somaliland? The horror! Therefore, the port-for-patronage model seems less about partnering and more about frustrating Somaliland’s pursuit. It is the diplomatic way of cutting the brakes of your neighbor’s car presuming that he will be an achiever in a race you are not interested in anyway.

Used to being called cynical, some analysts damned Somalia for preparing for the arrival of another foreign actor, especially for a country that has been hosting AU troops, Turkish drones, and occasionally American drones’ attacks. However, it would be beneficial to know that there is no need to have sovereignty when one can hire an outsider for protection? The underlying message is oh so delectable little text: Dear America, please assist us to retrieve these rebellious areas again.’ Furthermore, do not also consider the fact that we cannot control ourselves over them as well. Or maybe Mogadishu has the impression that the perceived appetite for the strategic locations in Somalia is bigger thanks to the allergy the US has towards more entangling nation-building operations.

The Domestic Circus: Al-Shabaab, Federal Feuds, and the Art of Distraction

That reminds us not to forget the domestic origins of this drama. The government of Somalia must face the attacks of Al-Shabaab insurgents, clan conflicts, and federal states that pay lip service to Mogadishu’s control. Both Puntland and Jubaland have mastered the politics of both loyalty and treachery towards the central government in Mogadishu. This could be done not necessarily as a part of a grand strategy, but rather to draw Americans’ attention away from a certain issue. However, one thing that has been proven to bring people together, especially a divided nation, is an enemy, or well, a friend in this case.

Sinha makes one final salient observation before shifting to the pretense of the current reality After all, one must ask the $ 64 question: What does the United States want? For a long time, Washington’s interest in the Horn of Africa has been security-based particularly counterterrorism as well as checking China’s influence in the Red Sea region. Having a base in Berbera or Bosaso might not be a bad thing, but do they really want to deal with the Somali internal problems? It is believed that the willingness of the Trump administration to speak to and even recognize Somaliland at one point was not a matter of principles but was more of business. In Biden’s America, the U.S. has returned to the cautious indecision favoring ‘Somali unity,’ but one cannot expect for how long if Ethiopia, Turkey, or UAE formally recognize Somaliland.

The Open-Ended Question: Masterstroke or Misadventure?

So, what are Somalia’s intentions? The advantage of this situation, if any, is that no one, least of all Somalis, appears to know. Among the theories is one that avails Mogadishu a master mind fully aware of a civil war’s destructive potential and who uses the U.S to recapture lost territories. The other sees it as one last stand for the self to remain relevant in an area that has shifted trajectory. A third opines that it is just another act in a tragedy that has been running for several decades but the script has not been written.

Meanwhile, Somaliland persists in its endless efforts to be recognized with it offering that relative stability accompanied by complement democratic processes to outweigh political apathy. Puntland just stays an observer of the situation in the Somalia’s port capital of Mogadishu and its northwest neighbor Hargeisa. And the U.S.? He might be bogged down with the paperwork of whether it is worth having a base in Somaliland.

Finally, Somalia comes as a desperation card, a prayer, an arrogance and a lucky guess all in one. It is true that it can be celebrated as genius action or can be referred to as folly depending upon the perspective view of the observers. But it was in a place where disorder is the status quo, it becomes not about the intentions involved. It is the question of whether it is possible to know and note the thin line between strategy and survival.

Source: The Advocate Post

Somaliland President Rejects Somalia’s Claims Over Berbera Port in Response to Hassan Sheikh’s Letter

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa, Somaliland – The President of Somaliland, H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro), has issued a firm rebuttal to Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s recent letter to the United States.

The President asserted that Somaliland is a sovereign nation with full control over its territory and maritime borders, and at the same time  emphasizing that its government—not Somalia—holds exclusive authority over its internal affairs. He dismissed Mohamud’s claims as baseless, noting that the Somali leader, who struggles to maintain security in Mogadishu, has no legitimate say over Somaliland’s strategic assets.

“These remarks are not only laughable but also detrimental to regional stability,” Cirro stated, adding that Mohamud’s letter was a deliberate attempt to mislead the international community. “The world knows the truth: Somaliland has been an independent state since May 18, 1991, after reclaiming the sovereignty it first attained on June 26, 1960.”

President Irro underscored that Somaliland’s democratically elected government alone holds the mandate to manage its affairs, including Berbera Port. “Hassan Sheikh does not govern Somaliland—he doesn’t even fully control Mogadishu,” he declared. “Our people and institutions decide our future, not outsiders.”

The President concluded by reiterating that any engagement with Somaliland must be conducted directly with its government. “We are a sovereign nation,” he affirmed. “Those who seek partnership with us must recognize this reality.”

Information Minister Ahmed-yasin slams at Hassan Sheikh’s confounding letter to Trump

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

He observed that whenever Hassan Sheikh perceives the IC warming to Somaliland’s essence, he always acted erratically by going berserk throwing tantrums

-He describes it as height of naivety that toddlers would even cringe upon

The Somaliland Minister of Information, Culture and National Guidance, Hon. Ahmed-yasin Sheikh Ali Ayaanle has strongly slammed the intention of Somalia’s Hassan Sh. Mohamoud assumes that he has the ability of dishing out Somaliland’s sovereign territory anyhow.

He at the same time took a swipe at the Puntland administration’s foreign secretary for repeatedly insinuating that Somaliland is al-Shabaab, whereas they have been working with them (Somalia) in cahoots all along.

Following a report revealed by Semafor that Hassan Sheikh wrote a letter to US President Donald Trump beseeching him not to recognize Somaliland hence in return he would “gift” the latter with Berbera port, that friends and foes found the Mogadishu brand of political diplomacy as not only wanting, but confounding.

It is in this connection that the minister retorted to, describing the letter as “height of naivety that toddlers would even cringe upon”, as he held a presser to address the matter.

He pointed out that the notion of the idea floated was in itself an abuse to the integrity and intelligence of the US who have a working relation with Somaliland as depicted in the USA’s own constitution- The Somaliland Act- as regards its own foreign affairs.

The minister observed that whenever Hassan Sheikh perceives that the International Community warms up to Somaliland’s essence, he always goes berserk and throws tantrums hence acts erratically.

He made it quite vivid that as concerns the nation’s sovereignty, it was only incumbent upon to chart its destiny. He also underscored the fact that Somalia has no say whatsoever about Somaliland’s conviction as to have re-asserted its independence.

He reminded the Puntland’s foreign affairs official who has been constantly depicting Somaliland as a terrorist haven that it was his state in particular and Somalia at large who have all along been abetting and working in cahoots with the al-Shabaab, Daish, ISIS, pirates and terrorists.

He observed that Somaliland’s territorial waters have not had nor witnessed even one single case of piracy.

Minister Ahmed-yasin called upon all Somalilanders in the Diaspora to be their nation’s ambassadors hence impart Somaliland’s essence, entity, aspirations and dreams to the rest of the world at all times.

Financial institutions that flout our banking guidelines risk suspension, warns Central Bank Governor

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

The Governor of the Central Bank of the Republic of Somaliland, Mr. Abdinasir Ahmed Hirsi, has announced that banks that do not implement the stipulated and specified standard guidelines would be held culpable of flouting regulations.

A statement issued by the bank’s governor, Mr. Abdinasir, reminded operating banks that it is prohibited to send money in USD below 100.

The Central Bank of Somaliland has ordered all financial institutions and operators to adhere to the rules and that they should not flout them at all.

“Licenses of all those who undermine, flout or violate the regulations would be suspended or heavy fines would be imposed upon them”, he stressed.

The central bank’s rules which were already in place aims to mitigate against inflation of the local currency by promoting its general use.

During the period of the new leadership, the central bank has been working hard to strengthen the value of the Somaliland shilling, and has been working closely with all stakeholders.

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