The Minister of Education, Development, and Science of Somaliland, Prof. Ismail Ducaale Yusuf, who is on a work trip in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, held high-level talks with the officials of Alef Education — an international company specialized in developing educational technology.
The meeting was led by the General Manager of the company, Mr. Geoffrey Alphonso, and the two sides signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at advancing education in Somaliland, particularly in the areas of technology and modern educational services.
This agreement follows the recent visit of the President of the Republic of Somaliland, H.E. Abdirahman Abdillahi Cirro, to the United Arab Emirates, where he held meetings with the country’s leaders to strengthen bilateral cooperation. That visit resulted in the establishment of the major Burco Hospital, while this marks the second largest collaborative project between Somaliland and the UAE.
Alef Education is a UAE-based company that has won numerous international awards. The company provides modern educational services and technology to many countries, reaching over 1.6 million students across nations such as the United States, Indonesia, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt.
This new agreement is expected to significantly contribute to the development of education quality in Somaliland, as students, teachers, and the education management system will be supported with modern services and technology provided by Alef Education.
The Taiwan–Somaliland security alliance exposes new fault lines in the US–China rivalry, pitting regional actors against one another across the Bab al-Mandab and Gulf of Aden.
By Abbas Al Zein
A new player has entered the Horn of Africa. On 24 July, Taiwan signed a maritime security agreement with Somaliland, a self-declared state unrecognized by the international community since its 1991 split from Somalia – but one that is increasingly courted for strategic partnerships by US-allied parties. While the pact may appear minor, it carries significant geopolitical weight: opening a new front in Washington’s long war to curtail Beijing’s global rise.
Taiwan’s ambitions in Somaliland stretch far beyond bilateral ties. According to its own framing, the agreement aims to build a “non-red coast” aimed at countering China’s influence along the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and Bab al-Mandab Strait.
This is where Israel, the UAE, Turkiye, and the Ansarallah-aligned Yemeni government in Sanaa intersect in both conflict and commerce, transforming Somaliland into a pivotal node in the West Asian–East African contest between Eurasian multipolarity and Atlanticist hegemony.
Taiwan’s Red Sea outpost
Taiwan’s diplomatic overture to Somaliland dates back to 2020, when it opened a representative office in the capital, Hargeisa. The move triggered Beijing’s ire, which condemned it as a violation of the “One China” principle. In response, Taipei and Hargeisa began deepening ties through successive agreements, culminating in the recent security pact.
The current agreement spans three tiers of cooperation. First, it focuses on maritime security, including joint training exercises, search-and-rescue coordination, and the exchange of technical expertise. Second, it addresses the development of the blue economy through collaboration in fisheries exploitation, sustainable coastal management, and maritime logistics. Finally, it involves technology transfer and capacity-building, such as providing surveillance systems, equipment for the coast guard, and Taiwanese technical support.
Somaliland’s 850-kilometer coastline along the Gulf of Aden gives it strategic access to one of the world’s most vital shipping lanes. For US ally Taiwan, it offers both geopolitical leverage and symbolic defiance of Beijing. But for China, the agreement is a provocation. Alongside Somalia, Beijing has rejected the pact outright, calling it a breach of sovereignty and a threat to regional stability.
“The Somaliland regional authority’s action has blatantly violated the one-China principle and harmed China’s sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity,” the Chinese Embassy in Somalia stated, adding “The Chinese side is resolutely opposed to this action.”
China’s presence in the Horn is anchored in its Djibouti military base (its first overseas installation) through which it monitors and secures Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) shipping corridors. The base offers Beijing a launchpad for economic and military projection into the Red Sea and East Africa. It also places Chinese forces in proximity to US bases, intensifying a region-wide scramble for influence.
Somaliland’s bet on Taipei is undoubtedly a bold move. Lacking formal recognition, Hargeisa is leveraging this alliance to amplify its international relevance and draw itself into Washington’s orbit. The move is emblematic of a broader regional trend in which unrecognized or marginal actors are absorbed into the US-led containment strategy against China in the Global South.
Map of the strategic location of Somaliland.
Proxy politics and containment strategies
While the US has remained publicly silent on the maritime pact, its hand is evident. Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te, during his meeting with a Somaliland delegation, stated that the bilateral partnership could be “strengthened in the future,” by “working with like-minded countries, such as the United States.” In January 2025, the US Congressional Special Committee on China explicitly urged the State Department to establish a representative office in Somaliland to counter Beijing.
This is not just about Taiwan or even Somaliland. The Horn of Africa has become a fault line in the wider US–China confrontation, with maritime security serving as the pretext for projection. Djibouti’s Chinese military base is seen in Washington as a direct challenge to US interests, particularly in surveilling arms flows, monitoring resistance activity in Yemen, and containing Sanaa’s expanding naval reach.
As Somaliland analyst Abdiqadir Jama observes in the Horn Diplomat, the Taiwan–Somaliland alliance is a geopolitical maneuver nested within a larger US–China contestation. Its framing as a “model” for US engagement in the region signals Washington’s intent to forge proxy relationships rather than direct presence.
“Somaliland’s strategy is to leverage great power competition as a pathway to recognition. It recognizes that formal recognition from major powers is unlikely in the near term due to the international community’s adherence to a ‘One-Somalia’ policy and deference to the African Union.”
For Taiwan, the Somliland pact represents “a cornerstone of President Lai Ching-te’s proactive and assertive foreign policy. Facing a relentless campaign of diplomatic strangulation by Beijing, which has left it with only a handful of formal allies, Taipei has developed an offensive strategy of ‘non-recognition diplomacy.’
This development aligns with post-election statements from US President Donald Trump indicating his administration’s intent to recognize Somaliland, a move framed by his close advisors as advantageous for US intelligence operations in the region. These include monitoring Ansarallah-aligned naval activity, arms flows through the Bab al-Mandab, and Chinese logistics.
Resistance axis counterweights
Sanaa has become a decisive actor in this emerging contest. As the only force directly challenging the US military presence and Israeli interests in the Red Sea, the Ansarallah-led government has asserted itself both as a sovereign resistance authority and as an indirect strategic counterweight aligned with Beijing’s interests. Beijing has so far avoided an overt response to the Taiwan–Somaliland deal, but future moves may well include support for countermeasures channeled through Sanaa or other allied partners.
China has yet to extend formal recognition to Sanaa, but it has maintained open channels with the Ansarallah leadership, hosting an Ansarallah delegation as far back as 2016 and exploring limited avenues of coordination. This balancing act allows Beijing to safeguard its shipping corridors without overtly clashing with Washington’s regional partners, yet it leaves open the possibility of a shift toward recognition should US pressure intensify.
For Washington, the pact is another attempt to use unrecognized entities and disputed zones as tools to undercut Chinese and multipolar influence. Yet this approach is fraught with risk. The Gulf of Aden is already a tinderbox, and these new alignments could trigger regional responses that spin beyond US control.
US–Israeli–Emirati axis
Taiwan is not the only US-aligned actor embedding itself in Somaliland. The UAE, a longstanding supporter of Hargeisa’s ruling authorities, is brokering a military deal to grant Tel Aviv a base in Somaliland in exchange for formal recognition. The move seeks to outflank Sanaa by securing a foothold opposite Yemen’s western coast, near the Red Sea chokepoint.
Israel, which already operates a joint intelligence facility with the UAE on Yemen’s Socotra island, is now planning for its Somaliland base to sit alongside Taiwan’s presence under the same US security umbrella. At the same time, Abu Dhabi’s expanding footprint is also intended to counter Turkiye’s military-security ambitions in Somalia, with which it has repeatedly clashed.
What emerges is a dense web of alignments: a US-led bloc comprising Taiwan, Israel, the UAE, and Somaliland, positioned against Chinese, Turkish, and Ansarallah-backed interests. Somaliland, once a peripheral actor, has become a staging ground for proxy confrontation, its unrecognized status exploited to reshape the region’s balance of power.
The consequences will extend far beyond the Horn of Africa. With Taiwan acting as a wedge in the Red Sea, and resistance actors like Sanaa holding maritime lines against western encroachment, the Taiwan–Somaliland pact may well mark the opening salvo in a new phase of multipolar realignment, one that connects Africa’s coasts to the heart of West Asia’s resistance front.
Ambassador Hussein Ali Duale, a distinguished Somaliland diplomat and former Minister of Finance (2003–2010), has written a heartfelt letter to U.S. Senator Ted Cruz, thanking him for advocating Somaliland’s recognition as an independent state.
Dated August 24, 2025, the letter recounts Somaliland’s historical struggle for sovereignty and highlights the significance of Cruz’s recent appeal to President Donald Trump for formal recognition of the breakaway republic.
Ambassador Duale, a former military officer and advisor on international recognition, describes Somaliland’s voluntary 1960 union with Somalia as a “nightmare” for its people.
He details the marginalization of Somaliland’s representatives in the newly formed then Somalia Republic, noting their exclusion from key government roles.
Duale shares a personal account of his involvement in a 1961 coup attempt with nine other British-trained officers to restore Somaliland’s sovereignty—an effort that failed but underscored the deep desire for reclaiming their lost self-determination.
“On July 1, 1960, when this unfair government was announced, the union died in the hearts and minds of the Somaliland people,” Duale wrote, citing the 80% rejection of the union constitution in a 1961 referendum.
He praises Cruz’s advocacy, stating, “Your unremitting efforts for our cause will remain in the hearts and minds of our people for generations,” and urges the Senate Subcommittee on African Affairs to support Somaliland’s quest for recognition.
The letter follows Senator Cruz’s August 14, 2025, letter to President Trump, in which he called Somaliland a “critical security and diplomatic partner” for the U.S., highlighting its strategic Gulf of Aden location and contributions to counterterrorism and anti-piracy efforts.
Duale’s letter has gained traction on social media, with X posts echoing his call for recognition. One user noted, “Ambassador Hussein Ali Duale extended a formal letter of congratulations to Senator Ted Cruz, urging official recognition of the Republic of Somaliland,” signaling growing momentum for Somaliland’s cause.
Somaliland, a former British protectorate, reclaimed independence in 1991 after Somalia’s central government collapsed. Despite maintaining a stable democratic system and its own institutions, it remains unrecognized by any UN member state.
Duale’s letter underscores Somaliland’s historical and moral case for sovereignty, marking a pivotal moment in its decades-long pursuit of international legitimacy
(Sealed official letter with envelope) Senator Ted Cruz.
Dear Senator Ted Cruze
Your Excellency,
I am Ambassador Hussein Ali Duale, former Minister of Finance of the Republic of Somaliland (2003–2010). I have served my country in various capacities, including as a diplomat, a military officer during its formative years, and later as an advisor on international recognition and foreign affairs.
I do thank you very much for your letter dated 14th August to President Trump.
Your Excellency, the people of Somaliland have traditionally been the flag bearers of Somali nationalism.
They had a dream of Greater Somalia, bringing all Somali-speaking territories under one flag, namely former British Somaliland, Italian Somalia, French Somaliland, former Somali State of Ethiopia and the Somali region of Northeastern Kenya.
In life, dreams sometimes turn into nightmares. Somaliland’s union with Somalia was a real nightmare for its people of Somaliland.
I here relate to you my personal story and those of my other colleagues. After finishing our Secondary education ten of us were sent to the United Kingdom to be trained as military officers for Somaliland Army. We left in 1958.
We got commissioned as officers in December 1960. We returned to Somaliland in December 1960, six months after Somaliland’s independence from Great Britain and union with Somalia. What struck us most, was how Somaliland was unfairly treated in their union with Somalia.
Somalia literally ignored Somaliland when forming the 1st union government on July 1, 1960.
The President was from Somalia, the Prime Minister and key ministers as Finance, Interior, Foreign, Justice, Attorney General, the Commander of the army, the Commissioner of Police, they were all from Somalia. The capital was Mogadishu. From a cabinet of 19 ministers, Somaliland got three ministers of no significance.
On 1st July 1960 when this unfair government was announced the union died in the hearts and minds of the Somaliland people.
The people of Somaliland took every peaceful step to show that they were against the union. In the referendum for the new union constitution in June 1961, 80% of the people of Somaliland voted “NO.”
Somaliland’s rejection of the constitution means that the union was null and void. Since the machines of government were in the hands of Somalia, they totally ignored the verdict of the Somaliland people.
We the ten officers decided to make a move to remedy this blatant injustice. On 10th December 1961, we staged a coup to delink Somaliland from this unholy union. Ours was the second coup in Africa.
The first was the one staged by General Mengistu Neway and his younger brother Germame Neway against the former Emperor, Haile Selassie of Ethiopia. Unfortunately, we failed.
Of the ten officers, we are the only two alive today.
H.E Ambassador Abdullahi Adan (Congo) who served as a diplomatic careers at the Arab League
Your Excellency, in Shakespeare’s Macbeth he writes: “The good that men do lives after them.”
Your unremitting efforts for our cause will always remain in the hearts and minds of our people for generations to come. I pray that the Senate Sub-committee of African Affairs will extend their support to this just cause.
Your Excellency, I take this opportunity to wish you every success in life.
Hargeisa – September 8, 2025 – The Maroodi Jeex Regional Court of Appeal has issued a new order mandating the complete blocking of the news outlets Hadhwanaagnews.com, Hadhwanaag News.ca, and Hadhwanaag TV.com.
The order, dated September 8, 2025, and signed by Judge Jariim Camar Cabdi, instructs all internet service providers operating in Hargeisa to immediately remove access to the specified websites. The directive will remain in effect indefinitely until a subsequent court order is issued.
This decision comes in response to a request filed by the Office of the Attorney General of the Maroodi Jeex Region in April 2025. The court’s ruling cites a previous case (MGMJ/DDL/1107/2019) from February 8, 2025, where individuals linked to the platforms were convicted and sentenced under articles of the Penal Code. The appellants in that case received sentences of six months’ imprisonment and a fine of 500,000 Somaliland Shillings each.
The Court of Appeal stated that its new blocking order is based on articles 52, 53, 54, 55, and 57 of the Criminal Procedure Code.
Copies of the order have been sent to key stakeholders, including the Ministry of Information, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), the Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA), and the Chairman of the Higher Court, signaling a coordinated enforcement effort.
This move reinstates a previous blockade on the media group, effectively restricting public access to its content within Somaliland. The order does not specify an end date for the blockage, leaving the future availability of the websites contingent on a future decision by the appellate court.
In a ceremony celebrating dedication and excellence, the Somaliland Ministry of Education, Training, and Science has awarded certificates of recognition to four female employees from the National Examinations Office. They were honored for their exceptional contributions to the successful administration of the 2024–2025 national certificate examinations.
The event was attended by senior officials including Minister Prof. Ismail Duale Yusuf, Deputy Minister Mohamed Facul, Director General Abdirahman Hussein Hirsi, and Chairman of the National Examinations Office, Daud Ahmed Farah. Together, they celebrated the staff’s hard work, transparency, and unwavering commitment to ensuring the examinations were conducted smoothly and fairly.
These individuals played a pivotal role in managing this critical process, which serves as a cornerstone of Somaliland’s education system. Their integrity and extraordinary effort were crucial in upholding the credibility of the examinations, directly impacting the futures of thousands of students and strengthening public trust.
“This recognition is more than an award; it is a national statement that hard work, innovation, and integrity are valued and celebrated,” stated Minister Yusuf. “These women have set a powerful example for public servants across Somaliland, demonstrating that dedication to our nation’s progress is both seen and appreciated.”
This initiative underscores Somaliland’s broader commitment to fostering a culture of excellence within its public sector. By honoring these employees, the Ministry aims to inspire all educators and public servants to strive for the highest standards of professionalism and accountability.
The recognition comes amid ongoing efforts to strengthen Somaliland’s education system, including nationwide inspection campaigns to ensure examination integrity and comprehensive curriculum reviews. Rewarding such dedication is a key step in building a motivated workforce capable of driving the nation’s educational progress.
This move is expected to set a precedent for other government institutions to acknowledge outstanding contributions, further solidifying Somaliland’s reputation for its commitment to fairness and excellence in education.
The Somaliland Intellectuals Forum (SIF) has publicly commended U.S. Senator Ted Cruz for his recent letter to President Donald Trump, advocating for the formal recognition of Somaliland as an independent state.
In a heartfelt letter addressed to Senator Cruz, SIF Chairman Mohamed Ali expressed deep gratitude on behalf of the organization and the people of Somaliland, highlighting the optimism and hope generated by Cruz’s initiative.
The letter, sent to Cruz’s Washington, D.C. office, praises the senator for recognizing Somaliland’s strategic importance, democratic achievements, and contributions to regional stability in the Horn of Africa.
“Your leadership has resonated profoundly with our citizens,” Ali wrote, emphasizing Somaliland’s commitment to shared democratic values with the United States and its role as a reliable partner in counterterrorism and maritime security along the Gulf of Aden.
Senator Cruz, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health Policy, urged President Trump on August 14, 2025, to grant Somaliland statehood, citing its strategic location and partnerships with the U.S., Taiwan, and Israel.
The move has sparked widespread support in Somaliland, with officials and citizens viewing it as a pivotal step toward international legitimacy after 34 years of de facto independence.
SIF’s statement underscores the potential for U.S. recognition to strengthen bilateral ties, enhance American influence in the region, and promote stability. “By recognizing Somaliland, the United States would affirm its commitment to nations that uphold peace and democracy,” Ali noted, echoing sentiments from Somaliland’s leadership, including Foreign Minister Abdirahman Dahir Adam, who thanked Cruz for his “unwavering support.”
The call for recognition comes ahead of a planned visit by Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro to Washington, D.C., where he will engage with U.S. officials to further diplomatic and economic cooperation.
Despite these tensions, the Somaliland Intellectuals Forum remains optimistic, viewing Cruz’s advocacy as a historic opportunity to advance their nation’s quest for sovereignty. “We look forward to a brighter future for Somaliland-U.S. relations,” Ali concluded, inviting Cruz to visit Hargeisa to witness Somaliland’s progress firsthand.
Not long ago, an eye-opening Op-Ed alleged that former U.S. Ambassador to Somalia Donald Yamamoto squandered over $1 billion in a war-torn nation that could least afford it. As concerning as that was, the fallout deepens with his successor—Larry André, appointed under what critics deride as “Sleepy Jeo’s” diplomatic system—now facing serious allegations of waste, fraud, abuse, and blatant conflicts of interest.
Danab Brigade Scandal: U.S.-Trained Forces and Misuse of Aid
During Ambassador Larry André’s tenure, scrutiny mounted around the Danab Brigade, a special forces unit the U.S. funded, trained, and armed. Several reports indicated that the Brigade’s logistical chains, food supplies, and equipment were misused or diverted, raising troubling questions about oversight, mismanagement, and whether humanitarian and military aid intended to stabilize Somalia ended up fueling corruption at the frontline.
USAID in Somalia: Humanitarian Funding Gone Awry?
Parallel to security-sector concerns, the broader landscape of USAID-funded humanitarian assistance in Somalia has long been riddled with accountability gaps. Under André’s ambassadorship, aid inflows intended for development and famine relief often faced theft, diversion by armed groups, or were funneled through illicit checkpoints—particularly those controlled by Al-Shabaab. The intersection of insecurity and weak governance meant aid meant for vulnerable communities was frequently offered up to pay “protection” or extorted by insurgents—a harrowing misuse of funds meant to save lives.
Post-Diplomacy: Lobbying for Hormuud—Conflict of Interest?
After leaving his post in May 2023, Ambassador André registered as a foreign agent alongside a Somali Member of Parliament to lobby on behalf of Hormuud Telecommunications, Somalia’s largest telecom operator. Notably, Hormuud’s founder also controls Barakaat, a money-transfer network that was suspended by the U.S. after 9/11 amid suspicions of terror financing roots. Given André’s access to intelligence as ambassador—particularly around Somalia’s financial networks—this turn raises serious concerns about a conflict of interest that undermines diplomatic norms.
Al-Shabaab’s Use of Digital Financial Networks
Reports from UN panels have confirmed that Al-Shabaab extensively exploits Somalia’s mobile money networks and banks, using them to store, transfer, and distribute funds, often bypassing formal regulation. Mobile money platforms—of which Hormuud’s EVC Plus is the dominant player—account for more than two-thirds of all payments in Somalia, comprising a staggering portion of the country’s GDP .
These platforms are the most accessible means for Al-Shabaab to move funds quickly, especially in a largely cash-based, informal economy where regulation remains weak .
Al-Shabaab’s Financial Footprint: Extortion, Mobile Money & Informality
UN investigations underscore how Al-Shabaab finances itself through:
A widespread network of extortion checkpoints, taxing vehicles, commercial goods, agriculture, livestock, and even urban households—sometimes charging over $1,400 per truck and tens of thousands per property .
Mobile money usage to distribute wages and transit operational funds.
Bank accounts for storing and transferring extorted money .
These networks thrive in part due to Somalia’s under-regulated digital finance sector, with mobile money platforms like Hormuud’s operating broadly with limited enforcement and lax KYC (Know Your Customer) standards .
Red Flags: Conflict, Influence, and Lack of Transparency
This caveat encapsulates multiple warning signs:
Conflict of Interest: André had privileged, classified insight into Somalia’s financial channels. Lobbying afterward for a telecom operator with ties to controversial networks erodes diplomatic credibility.
Undue Influence: Critics argue that his diplomatic role may have included implicit backing of Somali government structures that later served as lucrative platforms.
Opacity: His FARA filings lack critical details, such as compensation. The fact that he reportedly agreed to rotate back to Mogadishu every six months implies an ongoing financial arrangement—deepening concerns about hidden agendas.
Enabling Terror Financing: Hormuud’s dominance of mobile money infrastructure, combined with its size and reach, means that when insurgents exploit these channels, U.S. strategic assets may be indirectly facilitating terror finance.
Conclusion: America’s Credibility—and Security—is at Stake
When former U.S. diplomats pivot into private contracts with entities deeply embedded in Somalia’s contested financial landscape, it isn’t just ethically dubious—it compromises national security, counterterrorism efforts, and public trust.
These allegations warrant immediate and rigorous scrutiny by U.S. oversight bodies—including FBI and congressional watchdogs. The U.S. can no longer afford for its envoys to transition seamlessly from wielding state power to representing entities tied to corrupt or illicit networks.
Possible Next Steps:
Deep-dive reporting or a Congressional hearing to obtain:
Audits of USAID and Danab Brigade logistics and spending.
Complete FARA documentation for André, including financial terms.
Investigations into human aid diversion and telecom sector governance.
Policy reforms:
Tighten post-service lobbying restrictions for ambassadors.
Expand AML/CFT oversight over mobile money platforms in fragile states.
Implement moral-ethics training and post-diplomatic career guidelines.
By Suleiman Ismail Bolaleh ‘Xuquuq’
Prominent Human Rights Researcher/Defender
Self Determination Rights Advocate and Anti Corruption Campaigner
A delegation from the Eurasia Policy Council (EPC) UK held a key meeting with the Ambassador of Somaliland to the United Kingdom, H.E. Said Hassan Bihi, at the Somaliland UK Mission in London. The meeting, which aimed to promote dialogue and explore avenues of cooperation, highlighted Somaliland’s ongoing efforts to strengthen international relations and gain wider recognition.
The EPC delegation, comprising Prof. Shabnam Delfani , Raza Syed and Managing Director of Light 4 Life Charity Mrs Salama Nasir, engaged in discussions on bilateral relations, regional stability and economic cooperation. Ambassador Bihi highlighted Somaliland’s democratic achievements, including a consistent record of peaceful elections since reclaiming it’s independence in 1991.
A key topic of the meeting was the achievement of international recognition for Somaliland, a long-standing goal for the nation, which, despite operating as a stable democracy, remains unrecognized by the international community. The EPC UK delegation expressed appreciation for Somaliland’s democratic progress and stability, noting its potential as a partner in regional development initiatives.
The discussions also covered the UK’s historical relationship with Somaliland, dating back to its time as British Somaliland until the 1960s, and current cooperation in areas such as security, health and education. The EPC delegation acknowledged the UK’s permanent diplomatic presence in Hargeisa, established in 2012, as a model of engagement with Somaliland.
“We value the opportunity to engage with the EPC UK delegation and share Somaliland’s vision for a prosperous and secure future,” said Ambassador Said Hassan Bihi. “Our nation stands ready to deepen our partnership with European countries to advance our shared interests in the Horn of Africa.”
The meeting concluded with a commitment to continue the dialogue, with both sides exploring potential cooperation in trade, security and sustainable development. While no formal commitment was announced, the engagement signals a growing European interest in Somaliland’s unique position in the region.
Mr. Mohamed W. Boss provided key support to His Excellency Ambassador Said Hassan Bihi during the meeting.
The Eurasia Policy Council (EPC) UK delegation expressed profound appreciation for Ambassador Bihi’s compelling vision and unwavering commitment to advancing Somaliland’s interests in the United Kingdom. His steadfast dedication to strengthening international relations and advocating for Somaliland’s recognition was widely praised as exemplary.
Somaliland could be a powerful friend: It’s time for Britain to recognise that , the time to recognise Somaliland is now, and Britain is the right country to do it first
Sir Gavin Williamson
MP for Stone, Great Wyrley and Penkridge
Imagine a country that saw its early years tainted by war and genocide. Imagine a country that has received almost no foreign aid and operates on a budget of £250 million.
Imagine a country that, despite these setbacks, has held six democratic elections in the last 35 years and has established a level of stability its neighbours could only dream of. That country is Somaliland.
Somaliland is the poster child for everything Britain encourages its partners to be. It is democratic, it is stable, and it stands on its own two feet. It has also proven its worth as a capable ally in the fight against terrorism and piracy. And yet, as it marks 65 years since Britain granted its independence, we still haven’t recognised it as separate from Somalia.
This is all the more puzzling given that the two states could not be more different from each other. While Somaliland has established itself as an oasis of stability and security, Somalia has taken somewhat of a different path. Not content with being a haven for pirates and members of al-Shabaab, Somalia is also home to a dictator who upholds basic human rights with the same diligence as Vladimir Putin.
Meanwhile, Britain gives this dire state of affairs the diplomatic “thumbs up” by funnelling hundreds of millions of pounds into Somalia and refusing to recognise Somaliland as a separate nation. Even the most sympathetic of observers would struggle to see how the Foreign Secretary can call this policy either “progressive” or “realistic”.
But the case for recognising Somaliland is not just a moral one. At a time when budgets across Whitehall are being stretched and development funding is being slashed, recognising Somaliland is a policy that would give Britain bang for its buck.
Unlike its neighbour, Somaliland is open for British business. Its crown jewel is the Port of Berbera, which looks out onto the Gulf of Aden and offers a front-row seat to some of the world’s busiest shipping routes. The state also has vast untapped oil and gas reserves, which have already attracted the interest of several British companies.
The country’s economic and strategic significance has not gone unnoticed to the likes of China and Russia, the former of which has poured money into neighbouring Ethiopia. However, in a sign of defiance to Beijing’s debt-trap diplomacy, Somaliland chose to recognise Taiwan and established itself as a counterbalance to Chinese influence in the Horn of Africa. It is utterly baffling that we continue to turn our back on such a ready and willing ally in one of the most geopolitically pivotal regions.
While Britain falls asleep at the wheel, attitudes in Washington DC are changing fast, and whispers of Trump moving to recognise Somaliland grow louder each day. But unlike our friends across the pond, our ties run deeper than contemporary geopolitics.
Whether it is the Somalilanders who sailed on British ships before forming a diaspora in port cities such as Liverpool, or those who fought side by side with British troops in the World Wars, their past is also our past. Bound by this shared history, it would be a shame for Britain to play second fiddle to the US in the story of Somaliland’s independence.
The time to recognise Somaliland is now, and Britain is the right country to do it first. In a world that is more volatile than it was yesterday, Britain needs all the partners it can get. And an independent, recognised Somaliland would be more than a partner – it would be a friend.
BURAO, TOGDHEER – His Excellency the President of the Republic of Somaliland, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Cirro), held a high-level consultation tonight with traditional leaders, elders, intellectuals, and religious figures from across the Togdheer region. The meeting, part of the President’s working visit to Burao, underscored the critical partnership between the government and community leaders.
Attendees affirmed that the government’s core principle of “Unity and Action” is being realized, stating that the cohesive spirit of the gathering reflected the entire region and that the administration’s developmental progress in Burao was visibly demonstrated in a short timeframe.
The discussions centered on three key pillars:
Enhancing Security and Social Cohesion: Strengthening the foundations of peace and collective life within communities.
The Vital Role of Leadership: Recognizing the indispensable part traditional and religious leaders play in state-building, fostering national unity, and guiding societal progress.
Accelerating Development: Boosting support for ongoing development projects in the Togdheer region and deepening collaboration between the government and its citizens.
The community leaders unanimously praised President Cirro for his national stewardship and the significant achievements in securing peace and stability across Somaliland.
In a powerful show of support, the leaders pledged to reinforce their partnership with the “Unity and Action” government to help achieve Somaliland’s overarching national aspirations.
The President expressed profound gratitude for the elders’ unwavering role in safeguarding peace and championing Somaliland’s nationhood. He encouraged them to continue leveraging their historic influence and moral authority to further unite the people.
