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Several Daesh fighters killed in Somalia’s Puntland state

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A member of the Somali security forces patrols along the coast of Qaw, in Puntland, northeastern Somalia on December, 18, 2016. (AFP)

MOGADISHU: Somali security forces said they killed several Daesh fighters and seized eight terrorist outposts during ongoing military operations in the semi-autonomous Puntland region.

Daesh has a relatively small presence in Somalia compared to the Al-Qaeda-linked Al-Shabab, but experts have warned of growing activity.

A United Nations counter-terrorism official last year warned of increased attacks by Daesh affiliates in Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia.

Somali military officials said Monday’s operation in the northern province was centered around the Cal Miskat mountains in the Bari region.

“The security forces took control of eight Daesh military outposts including a major one in the Cal Miskat mountains; several gunmen including foreign fighters had been killed in the military operations” the Puntland army said in a statement.

“The army shot down around nine drones loaded with explosives which Daesh tried to attack and detonate on the security forces during the fighting,” it said.

“The security forces are advancing onto key hideouts of the terrorists to flush them out.”

According to Ahmed Rage, one of the military commanders in the area, heavy fighting was underway as the Daesh “militias took positions inside a cave in the mountain,” but he added that the army was making “progress and continues to advance onto the stronghold positions.”

According to experts and officials, Daesh in Somalia is run by Abdul Qadir Mumin, a Puntland native.
“He is the most important person, the most powerful one, he is the one controlling the global Daesh network,” said Tore Hamming from the International Center for the Study of Radicalization (ICSR).

What is the world saying about Somaliland’s serene election and smooth transition?

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Last month, Somaliland held its 4th peaceful democratic multi-party election since they declared their independence for the second time in 1991. First, they got their independence from Britain in June 1960, and then, for the second time, they unilaterally declared their independence from Somalia in 1991, after their ill-fated union with Somalia in 1960 had failed. This failure resulted in extrajudicial killings of thousands of civilians and the indiscriminate bombing and destruction of its cities by the dictator Siyad Barre’s army and their South African mercenary pilots, hired after most of the pilots in the air force refused to bomb the civilian population, including hero Ahmed Dhere, who dumped and parachuted from his fighter plane, sent to kill and maim civilian populations, off the coast of Djibouti.

British anthropologist I.M. Lewis, who wrote extensively about Somali people and their culture, is one of the leading academics who shaped the outside world’s understanding of Somali society, culture, and history. In his research and study, he stated that Somali society is best understood through the lens of a segmentary clan system, in which corporate groups conflict, leading to endemic violence and with loyalty to their clan taking precedence over all else. According to his study, this ultimately explains the root causes of the civil war and the subsequent disintegration of the Somali central state in 1991. However, Somaliland has proven again to the world that this is no longer the case, and it is a beacon of democracy and order in a turbulent region where lawlessness and anarchy are the norm.

Even though Somaliland is still unrecognized, it has established a democratic track record that only a few countries in Africa can match. All its 4 multiparty elections in the last 2 decades have been described as free and fair by international observers. In this election, the electoral process comprised a considerable logistical and financial effort. In a country of about 5 million people, 1,227,048 were registered to vote across 2,648 polling stations countrywide. It was also reported to have been the first election in which an iris biometric system was deployed, capable of offline checking at 1,068 polling stations. In addition to the international observers, over 13,000 polling officials were recruited, and thousands of security officers were deployed to ensure the safety and security of the voters. Furthermore, the electoral commission partnered with both mainstream and social media in the country for the purpose of accurate reporting and voter guidance and education.

A few days after the election, Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) officially declared the result. Waddani, the largest opposition party led by Abdulrahman Mohamed Abdilahi (Irro), secured a clear victory with 63.92% of the vote, while the incumbent president of the Kulmiye Party, Muse Bihi Abdi, came second with 34.08% of the vote. Immediately, President Muse Bihi magnanimously conceded defeat, calling for national unity and expressing his willingness to ensure a smooth transfer of power and presidency to the newly elected president, Mr. Abdurahman M. Abdilahi (Irro).

Good Governance Africa (gga.org) In its analyis of the election said that the successful conclusion of the electoral process helps to further solidify Somaliland’s democratic credentials, which it has been showcasing to the world in the last 2 decades. And it would further entrench the democratic means of resolving political differences and project itself to the region and beyond as a beacon of peace, stability, and democratic governance in a turbulent region where elections are mired by violence and irregularities, as is currently the case in Mozambique elections.

ARAB NEWS (www.arabnews.com) stated the fact that Somaliland has consistently demonstrated a more democratic and stable profile than its neighbors. It adds this compelling narrative of stability juxtaposed against regional chaos forms the bedrock on which Somaliland stakes its claim to statehood.

Crisis Group (www.crisisgroup.org) stated that Somaliland reinforced its reputation as one of the Horn of Africa’s stronger democracies by staging a successful presidential election and ushering in a peaceful transfer of power.

THE INDEPENDENT (independent.co.uk) stated that Somaliland’s recent free and fair election, which the opposition leader, Mr. Abdurahman M. Abdilahi, won, would herald the recognition of Somaliland as an independent state by the new US administration led by President Trump, which will take office in the new year.

SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST In its analysis stated that China’s special envoy for the Horn of Africa, Xue Bing, was dispatched to Somalia to assure them of Beijing’s support, amid growing support in Washington for the recognition of Somaliland, following their successful election and subsequent smooth transition of power. It adds that the swearing-in ceremony for the president-elect, Abdurahman M. Abdilahi, was attended by Taiwan’s deputy foreign minister, Wu Chih-Chung, leading to a protest by China.

SEMAFOR.COM This US-based news outlet stated that the US Republicans and its supporters have been encouraged by Somaliland’s democratic strides with its one-person, one-vote system, as conflict-ridden Somalia struggles to organize any elections. It adds that Somaliland will be much closer to being recognized by the United States as the world’s newest country when Donald Trump returns to the White House in January 2025.

The US congratulated the people of Somaliland on the completion of their election. The US congratulated President-elect, Mr. Abdurahman M. Abdilahi. In a statement, the U.S. Embassy in Somalia praised Somaliland’s impressive record of elections and peaceful transfer of power, describing it as a model for stability and democratic governance not just within the Horn of Africa, but beyond.

“Government of the people, by the people, for the people.” In sha Allah.


Abdurahman Ibrahim Yusuf
haybeibrahim53@gmail.com

Justice Minister in interworking relations meeting with UN line agencies

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By M.A. Egge

The Minister of Justice of the Somaliland Republic Hon. Yoonis Ahmed Yoonis, on Monday met with international organizations with which the ministry has inter-working relations.

The meeting was attended by UN agencies such as UNDP, UNICEF, UNODC, UNISOM and IOM. It was also attended by the Director General of the Ministry of Justice, Mr. Ismail Suleiman Bowkah.

The purpose of this meeting was to accelerate the programs planned by the ministry for the 100 days and the policy activities of the WADDANI party government.

The Minister thanked the agencies for their good cooperation with Somaliland and their support for programs to improve justice services. The Minister noted that the ministry attaches particular importance to the reform of the justice system such as prisons and other justice services.

For their part, officials from various agencies pledged to work closely with the Ministry of Justice, and said they would strengthen cooperation with the ministry and do everything necessary to work together.

The meeting ended in a cordial atmosphere, with both parties mutually agreeing to work together to improve justice and ensure that the society has access to an efficient justice system.

Somaliland: President appoints 10 New DGs

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The President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi Irro has appointed a first batch of ten new directors general to various ministries as he continues naming his WADDANI administration government.

So for the Head of State has named and appointed his cabinet members, regional governors and now he has just the following DGs as per Executive Order contained in Presidential Decree Ref. No. JSL/XM/WM/222-029/012025 dated13th January 2025:-

  1. Mohamed Ali Mohamud Shabeel -Director General of the Ministry of Interior and Security.
  2. Abdisalan Mohamud Duale Omar (Ilka’ase) – Director General of the Ministry of Information, Culture and National Guidance.
  3. Mohamed Abdirahman Hassan Rooble-Director General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.
  4. Liibaan Mohamud Diiriye Waaberi – Director General of the Ministry of Fisheries and Marine Resources.
  5. Adan Abdillaahi Abdalle Nuur -Director General of the Ministry of Water Development.
  6. Suleiman Ibrahim Mohamoud Hassan – Director General of the Ministry of Public Works, Land and Housing.
  7. Ali Ige Mohamoud Dubad – Director General of the Ministry of Local Government and Urban Development.
  8. Mukhtar Abdi Jamaa Baaho – Director General of the Ministry of Resettlement and Humanitarian Affairs.
  9. Eng. Mahmoud Hussein Adan Jabaake – Director General of the Ministry of Trade and Tourism.
  10. Mohamed Said Mahmoud Mohamed -Director General of the Ministry of Planning and National Development.

Earlier on, the President appointed Mr.  Mohamoud Adan Jama Galaal to be the new Somaliland representative to Taiwan.

The Forgotten Voices of Da’awaley: A Call for Justice and Accountability in Ethiopia’s Somali Region”

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“The Forgotten Voices of Da’awaley: A Call for Justice and Accountability in Ethiopia’s Somali Region”

By Prof. Nassir Hussein Kahin

The massacre in Da’awaley, a village in Ethiopia’s Somali region, has left a devastating toll: over 200 civilians killed, thousands displaced, and entire communities shattered.

The alleged perpetrators, members of the Liyuu Police—a paramilitary force long accused of systemic human rights abuses—have reignited global outrage over Ethiopia’s governance failures. This tragedy also threatens to destabilize relations with neighboring Somaliland, given its ethnic ties to the Isaaq clan, the primary victims of the attack.

“This is a Crime Against Humanity”

Eyewitness accounts describe harrowing scenes of indiscriminate violence. “We were left defenseless. Our homes burned, our children slaughtered,” said one survivor, who fled to Somaliland after losing family members in the attack.

Human rights activists have condemned the Ethiopian government’s failure to protect its citizens. “This massacre is not an isolated incident; it’s part of a deliberate campaign targeting marginalized groups,” said Abdirasak Hassan, a prominent activist .

The Liyuu Police, dominated by members of the Ogaden clan, have a history of aggression against non-Ogaden communities under the pretense of maintaining order. Critics argue the paramilitary force operates with impunity, bolstered by the Ethiopian government’s reluctance to rein in their actions .

The Gaashaamo Massacre Revisited

For many, the Da’awaley massacre is a grim reminder of the Gaashaamo killings in 2017, where similar atrocities were committed by the Liyuu Police. Despite international condemnation, little has changed. “The Ethiopian authorities’ silence speaks volumes,” said a representative from Amnesty International, urging an independent investigation into the killings .

Somaliland’s Growing Concerns

The massacre has reverberated across the border in Somaliland, where kinship ties with the Isaaq community run deep. Somaliland President Dr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi Ciro has expressed grave concerns, warning that Ethiopia’s inaction risks damaging their historically cooperative relationship. “The Ethiopian government must act swiftly to ensure justice. Peaceful coexistence depends on protecting all communities, regardless of ethnicity,” he said during a recent address .

Elders from Somaliland have attempted to mediate tensions in the past, but these efforts have been undermined by repeated violence. “This is not just an attack on one village—it’s an attack on our shared values and regional stability,” stated a senior Somaliland elder involved in peace talks .

Recommendations for Justice and Stability

To prevent further massacres and a potential diplomatic rift between Ethiopia and Somaliland, immediate action is essential:
1. Independent Investigation: International bodies like the UN must oversee investigations to ensure accountability for the Da’awaley massacre.

  1. Human Rights Reforms: Ethiopia must dismantle the culture of impunity surrounding the Liyuu Police and ensure equitable representation for marginalized groups like the Isaaq.

  2. Strengthened Bilateral Ties: Diplomatic dialogue between Ethiopia and Somaliland should prioritize the protection of shared communities and address grievances over resource allocation.

  3. Leveraging Geopolitical Cooperation: Somaliland, with its strategic access to the Red Sea, can play a key role in fostering stability in the Horn of Africa by ensuring Ethiopia’s continued access to Berbera Port, contingent on meaningful reforms .

The Path Forward

The Da’awaley massacre underscores the urgent need for justice and reconciliation in Ethiopia’s Somali region. “Failure to act now risks perpetuating cycles of violence,” said a UN human rights official.

As calls for accountability grow louder, the international community must pressure Ethiopia to implement meaningful reforms.

Somaliland’s strategic geopolitical position further emphasizes the necessity of collaboration to prevent future atrocities and maintain regional stability.

If these recommendations are ignored, the repercussions for Somaliland- Ethiopia relations, could extend beyond the Horn of Africa, jeopardizing peace and security in one of the world’s most volatile regions.

Egypt to demand lead role of new AU mission in Somalia to fight Al Shabab

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By Hamza Hendawi

Egypt will tell Somalia in talks this weekend that it wants the two allies to jointly steer a new African Union mission due to be deployed later this month to the Horn of Africa nation, sources have told The National.

Egypt sees its participation in the new AU mission in Somalia as a significant step in its efforts to broaden its footprint and gain an advantageous position in the strategic region, the sources said.

These efforts are designed largely to counter the influence of Ethiopia, with which Cairo has been locked in a decade-long dispute over a large Nile dam Addis Ababa is building, a project Cairo views as a serious threat to its water security.

Egypt already has military bases in Eritrea and Djibouti, and has in recent years struck military co-operation accords with, besides Somalia, Nile basin states Kenya, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo – steps taken to bolster Cairo’s presence in that part of Africa and pressure Addis Ababa to adopt a flexible position on the row over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.

Of these accords, the one Egypt and Somalia signed last year is by far the most comprehensive. Under its provisions, Egypt already has a military contingent in Somalia numbering in the low thousands.

Mostly drawn from elite units, the Egyptians are training Somalia’s security forces in counterterrorism, securing key state installations and the safety of top government officials. It has also supplied Somalia with arms and is sharing intelligence with its fellow Arab League member.

Egypt has been beefing up its contingent there in anticipation of its participation in the new AU force authorised by the UN Security Council late last month and mandated to fight the Al Qaeda-linked Al Shabab group.

Formally called the African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia (Aussom), the mission will replace the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (Atmis), the mandate of which ended on December 31.

Tensions between landlocked Ethiopia and Somalia flared a year ago after Addis Ababa signed a maritime deal with the breakaway region of Somaliland to gain access to the Red Sea. Somalia, which viewed the deal as a breach of its sovereignty, responded by declaring it did not want Ethiopian troops to serve in Aussom, arguing that they had not effectively reduced the threat posed by Al Shabab.

However, Mogadishu’s relations with Addis Ababa have somewhat thawed following a Turkish mediation between the two neighbours, but no concrete steps are known to have been taken to resolve the Somali-Ethiopian dispute since Ankara’s intervention was announced.

The size of Aussom and the Egyptian contingent have yet to be announced, although Somali officials say 11,000 men have already been pledged. The sources told The National last month that the Egyptian contingent would make up about 25 per cent of the new mission.

Ali Balcad, Somalia’s state minister for foreign affairs, was quoted by Bloomberg this week saying it remains unclear how many Ethiopian troops will be allowed to operate in Somalia. Addis Ababa is known to have some 10,000 men in Somalia, including several thousand operating under bilateral accords outside Atmis.

The defence ministers of Egypt and Somalia met in Cairo on Thursday, according to a statement by the Egyptian military spokesman. It quoted the Somali minister Abdul Qader Mohammed Nour as saying Mogadishu appreciated military co-operation between the two nations and welcomed Egypt’s participation in the new AU mission.

The statement gave no more details, but the sources said the Somali minister has reassured his Egyptian counterpart, Gen Abdel Meguid Saqr, that Egypt’s contingent in the AU mission will replace the Ethiopians, whose presence in Somalia would be declared illegal if they refuse to return home when asked by the Somali government.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty, meanwhile, will on Saturday meet separately with Somali Foreign Minister Ahmed Fiqi and Osman Saleh, his counterpart from Eritrea, a close Egyptian ally and on-and-off enemy of Ethiopia, according to a note sent to the media by Egypt’s foreign ministry.

The three ministers will later participate in a meeting of a co-operation council grouping the three nations, said the ministry.

“Egypt will during the talks lay out plans for the new mission, including the deployment of its forces and the command structure,” said one source. “It wants to jointly take the lead with the Somali government in how the mission operates, including the assignment of locations and tasks.”

He added: “The military co-operation agreement between Egypt and Somalia gives Cairo an edge over other participating nations in the new mission.”

The dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Nile’s water has driven Cairo in recent years to vigorously pursue closer relations in Africa, where Addis Ababa wields considerable influence, partially due to its control of the source of the Blue Nile, by far the river’s largest tributary, and because it’s home to the headquarters of the AU.

One of the world’s driest nations, the depth of Egypt’s tussle with Ethiopia is rooted in the Arab nation’s dependence on the Nile for nearly all its freshwater needs. It has repeatedly said its share of the river’s water is a matter of national security and that Ethiopia’s dam poses an existential threat to its 107 million people.

More than a decade of talks with Ethiopia have failed to produce an agreement. Cairo wants a legally binding deal on the running and filling of the dam. Ethiopia contends that the dam is not a threat to the water security of Egypt and insists the project is vital to its development.

“The River Nile, specifically, is an issue associated with the life and survival of Egyptians,” Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El Sisi recently said. “It is the chief source of life in our nation. Egypt is the gift of the glorious river.

Dahabshiil is a global financial institution familiar in Africa and the World

Journalist Hassan Galayd recently visited one of the Dahabshiil service centers in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). He met with Dahabshiil customers, including Somalis and people from all over the world.

Clients sent and received money from Al-Dahab centers, benefiting from the services provided by the international company Dahabshiil, which is available in almost all countries around the globe.

“Dahabshiil is a successful company. During the struggles period when people were displaced, the people lived on the Dahabshiil remittance economy services. Now it has become a bank that operates in all countries around the World,” said Jamac Kara’in, a Dahabshiil client and businessman.

Dahabshiil is a Somali funds transfer company and is the largest money-transfer business in Africa. It’s headquartered in Burao Somaliland. Formed in 2004, the firm operates from over 24,000 outlets and employs more than 2,000 people across 126 countries.

Somaliland: Waddani leader refutes reports alleging he secretly met with Somali President

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Mr. Hirsi Ali Haji Hassan, chairman of Somaliland’s Waddani party, speaking to the press upon his return from Djibouti.

Mr. Hirsi Ali Haji Hassan, chairman of Somaliland’s Waddani party, has denied claims that he met secretly with Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud during a recent trip to Djibouti.

Hirsi dismissed the allegations as baseless and reiterated his party’s commitment to transparent governance. “I did not meet with President Hassan Sheikh during my visit to Djibouti,” he said. “If any discussions were to be held, they would align with our party’s policy and be conducted openly. We do not operate in secrecy.”

The rumors of a clandestine meeting sparked outrage in Somaliland’s capital, with demonstrators accusing Hirsi of compromising Somaliland’s quest for independence. Critics also criticized his visit to Djibouti, a nation with which Somaliland has experienced strained relations over the past year. They also argued that Hirsi overstepped his role as a party chairman by engaging in what they described as “unauthorized diplomacy,” typically reserved for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “It’s not his place to act as a diplomat,” one protester said.

Hirsi played a central role in initiating the first formal talks between Somaliland and Somalia during his tenure in former President Ahmed Silanyo’s administration. These discussions aimed to resolve the decades-long dispute over Somaliland’s self-declared independence.

However, after more than ten years of inconclusive negotiations, many Somalilanders viewed the continued dialogue with skepticism. Critics argue that such talks have yielded little progress and are increasingly seen as a distraction from Somaliland’s domestic priorities.

Unmasking Diplomatic Propaganda: Somaliland’s Quest for Recognition Amid Regional Power Plays.

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By Prof. Nassir Hussein Kahin

The Horn of Africa’s geopolitical landscape is complex, with various narratives shaping perceptions of stability and sovereignty. In the intricate geopolitical theater of the Horn of Africa, a recent article “Stability in the Horn of Africa is Vital to Global Trade” by the Egyptian Ambassador to the United States, Mr. Motas Zahran (December 10, 2024) in Time magazine, seeks to undermine Somaliland’s legitimate aspirations for international recognition. This narrative not only distorts the reality on the ground but also serves as a smokescreen for Egypt’s strategic maneuvers in the region.

Egypt’s Involvement

While Egypt positions itself as a stabilizing force, its actions, such as deploying troops to Somalia under the African Union mission, can be perceived as attempts to exert influence rather than genuine stabilization efforts. Egypt’s opposition to Somaliland’s recognition aligns with its strategic interests, particularly concerning Nile River geopolitics, rather than the promotion of regional stability.

Contrary to the diplomat’s argument that Egypt has a good record of peacekeeping missions in Africa, Egypt’s involvement in regional conflicts, particularly in Libya, has been marked by support for specific factions rather than successful peacekeeping. For instance, Egypt has backed General Khalifa Haftar’s forces in Libya, contributing to prolonged instability.

In the context of Somalia, Egypt’s interest appears to be strategically motivated, aiming to counter Ethiopia’s influence in the region. By supporting Somalia, Egypt seeks to exert pressure on Ethiopia regarding Nile water resource negotiations, reflecting a continuation of its longstanding colonial policy to dominate Nile resources rather than engaging in equitable sharing with all Nile geography sharing states.

Arms Proliferation and External Influences

The influx of arms into Somalia, often facilitated by external actors, exacerbates instability and empowers extremist groups. Reports indicate that both Egypt and China have been involved in supplying arms to destabilize eastern regions of Somaliland, undermining the region’s security and stability. The clandestine nature of these arms shipments further complicates the security landscape, with fears that they may empower extremist factions rather than bolster national defense.

Egypt’s recent military aid to Somalia has raised alarms about the potential exacerbation of regional conflicts. Somaliland and Ethiopia, in particular, have expressed concerns that these weapons could fall into the hands of terrorist groups, thereby intensifying instability.

The One Somalia Policy and U.S. Engagement.

The Ambassador seems unaware that the notion of One Somalia policy is increasingly untenable, given that Somaliland has functioned independently for over three decades. Other regions within Somalia’s federal structure, such as Jubaland and Puntland, exhibit significant autonomy and tendencies toward secession, further challenging the feasibility of a unified Somalia.

Houthis’ Disruptions and Al-Shabab’s Threats

The diplomat suggests that Somaliland’s pursuit of recognition exacerbates regional instability by enabling groups like Al-Shabab. Contrarily, Somaliland has maintained a stable and secure environment since declaring independence in 1991, effectively countering extremist influences within its borders. Its commitment to peace and security in the Horn of Africa is evident through its internal stability and efforts to combat terrorism.

Ethiopia’s Role and Somaliland

The article criticizes Ethiopia’s agreements with Somaliland, implying they undermine Somalia’s territorial integrity. However, Somaliland’s borders are well-defined, established during the colonial era, and reaffirmed through a 2001 constitutional referendum where 97% voted in favor of independence. Engagements between Ethiopia and Somaliland are based on mutual interests and respect for sovereignty, aiming to enhance regional cooperation and development.

Somalia’s Sovereignty and Regional Diplomacy

The Ambassador advocates for U.S. mediation to maintain Somalia’s unity, disregarding Somaliland’s distinct historical and legal status. Somaliland was a British protectorate and gained independence in 1960 before voluntarily entering a union with Somalia—a union that failed, leading to Somaliland’s withdrawal and restoration of its independence in 1991. Its democratic governance and repeated calls for recognition reflect a legitimate aspiration for self-determination, distinct from Somalia’s internal dynamics.

The U.S. is no longer interested in its “One Somalia” policy which has not yielded the desired outcomes, as evidenced by persistent instability and lack of effective governance in Somalia. Recognizing this reality, U.S. policymakers are reconsidering their stance. Notably, Congressman Scott Perry introduced H.R. 10402, a bill advocating for the recognition of Somaliland as an independent country. The world recently witnessed the presidential and parliamentary elections in Somaliland which resulted in peaceful transfer of power, underscoring its status as a stable and democratic entity in a tumultuous region, thus deserving recognition.

U.S.-Egypt Strategic Partnership

The Egyptian diplomat emphasizes a U.S.-Egypt partnership in promoting regional stability. However, this partnership often overlooks the democratic progress and stability that Somaliland represents. Recognizing Somaliland could serve U.S. interests in promoting democracy and countering extremism in the region. Furthermore, China’s growing influence, including investments in regional infrastructure, poses challenges to U.S. strategic interests—challenges that a recognized and allied Somaliland could help mitigate.

Addressing the ‘Pandora’s Box’ Argument

A common outdated argument raised by the Ambassador against Somaliland’s recognition is the fear that it would set a precedent for other separatist movements in Africa, potentially destabilizing the continent. However, this concern is unfounded in Somaliland’s case. The African Union (AU) Charter emphasizes the inviolability of colonial borders to prevent arbitrary secessions.

Somaliland’s situation is unique because it seeks a return to its internationally recognized borders at the time of independence in 1960, prior to its voluntary union with Somalia. This historical context distinguishes Somaliland’s case from other separatist movements.

Moreover, the AU’s own fact-finding mission in 2005 concluded that Somaliland’s pursuit of recognition is historically unique and self-justified in African political history. The mission recommended that Somaliland’s case should not be linked to the notion of ‘opening a Pandora’s box’ and urged the AU to find a special method of dealing with this yet outstanding case.

The Kosovo Parallel: U.S. Strategic Interests

The comparison between Somaliland and Kosovo is gaining traction among U.S. policymakers. Recognizing Somaliland could serve U.S. strategic interests by ensuring stability along the Red Sea, a vital artery for global trade. Such a move would counterbalance the influence of regional actors like Egypt, Turkey, and China, who have vested interests in maintaining the status quo.

Furthermore, there are indications that the U.S. is considering to recognizing Somaliland soon, especially given the strategic military cooperation already in place. The port of Berbera offers significant strategic value for safeguarding maritime security and trade routes, countering Chinese influence, and addressing threats from Houthi and Iranian activities in the Red Sea.

The narrative presented by the Egyptian diplomat reflect a biased perspective that overlooks the complexities on the ground and Somaliland’s legitimate aspirations for recognition. Somaliland’s stability, democratic governance, and strategic significance make it a valuable partner for the international community.

As the Horn of Africa stands at a crossroads, the international community must critically assess the motivations behind such Egyptian propaganda narratives. Recognizing Somaliland not only acknowledges the democratic will of its people but also contributes to regional stability, aligning with broader strategic interests in the Red Sea corridor. It is long overdue for America to act and recognize Somaliland as the new Kosovo in the Horn of Africa.

Missing Somaliland fishermen rescued off Djibouti coast after 29 days adrift

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Three Somaliland fishermen missing at sea for nearly a month have been rescued off the coast of Djibouti, bringing relief to their families and communities after a harrowing 29-day ordeal.

The fishermen, who disappeared on December 6, 2024, departed Berbera aboard a small vessel that soon experienced mechanical failure, leaving them stranded and unable to navigate.

“Our engine broke down, and the battery failed,” survivor Khadar Ibrahim Abdillahi told BBC Somali. “For 29 days, we drifted wherever the wind carried us, completely helpless.”

Their rescue came when the Djibouti Coast Guard spotted their vessel adrift in open waters. The men were brought ashore, treated for exhaustion and dehydration, and given medical assistance. Rescuers also repaired their damaged boat.

“They saved our lives,” Khadar said, expressing gratitude for the Coast Guard’s swift intervention. “We’ve been treated with kindness and have been assured we will return to Somaliland soon.”

The fishermen’s disappearance had sparked concern in Somaliland’s coastal communities, where fishing is a cornerstone of the local economy.

Authorities in Somaliland and Djibouti are coordinating efforts to ensure the fishermen’s safe return.