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Iran, Israel’s Naval Bases, Somaliland’s Recognition: Port Berbera—Bargaining Chip

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HARGEISA, 21 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – A Somali warrior poet once said, “Rag hadaad colaad leedihiin, ciidanse uwaydo, waxkastood ku ciil bixi kartaa kuu cawo aduune…or if you are embroiled in a hostile war with other men but don’t have a counter attack force, anything that could alleviate your pain serves as luck on your side.”

Taking the advice of the poet, if Somaliland cannot escape from its isolation and mobilize the resources needed to break through the formidable concrete walls encompassing it, engaging with any nation that could alleviate Somaliland’s ordeal is a fair game: be it Israel or Iran, or an alien republic in Mars.

Form 1991 to present, Somaliland remains an independent but unrecognized state, alienated by none other than the Arabs who Somalilanders consider brothers and sisters. Worse still, as if alienation and economic holocaust towards Somaliland could not deliver the final blow, among others, Somaliland remains in the midst of a turbulence sea, yet no end to its miseries. To top it, never before has Somaliland faced a relentless terrorist attacks from none other than Southern Somalia’s extremist groups, namely: Al-Shabaab. See terrorist attacks details: http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/137149

Now, despite building an impressive democratic system (a dream in many parts of Africa; unthinkable in the Arab world), despite establishing a peaceful state, and despite combating piracy, terrorism, and human trafficking in Horn of Africa, Somaliland is awarded with sanctions including livestock ban, using its passport, and barring its leaders from attending Arab, African, as well as International conferences.

Traditionally, chocking the lifeline of a country is something reserved for a rogue regime which supports terrorisms and bent to spur mayhem in the International community. But ironically, self-destructive autocratic regimes receive better treatment than the democratic state of Somaliland does. Why?

Much of the hostilities and isolations towards Somaliland stems from its refusal to budge on Arab demands. That is, coercing Somaliland to accept another gunshot marriage with Somalia. Now, the Arab world instead of first providing Somaliland an economic incentive to mediate Somalia’s warring factions, and then convincing Somaliland to have a dialogue with Somalia, Arab rulers opted to suffocate Somaliland first; and then rebuild Somalia. Without a doubt, at times, as its mouth fell open, Somaliland desperately grasped for a breath of air but because of its determination it remains defiant.

However, recently the Arab rulers’ attitude towards Somaliland has softened up; for instance the livestock ban has been lifted. Now, the rulers changed their hearts not because they finally have mercy for Somaliland but because of other factors: for one thing, Somalia’s remains drowned in a sea of blood and its Oceans infested with pirates. Also, its leaders have gone from tribal warlords to religious warmongers. They just changed shirts. Surprise!

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For another, two of the most powerful countries in the Middle East: Israel and Iran are now flexing their muscles over East Africa, specifically, Somaliland’s strategic port Berbera. They both want to use the port as a naval base. But the problem is Arab leaders perceive Iran and Israel as archenemies of Arab states, a threat to the Middle East monarchies. Now for the Arab states to have either of their natural adversaries in port Berbera, which has strategic importance, is unthinkable.

During the cold war, port Berbera served as a naval base for the Soviet forces first and later for the U.S. marines. The city also has one of the longest runways in Africa; that is, in the event of emergency landing, the Space Shuttle Discovery could descend on the city’s airport. But more important, its airport could be used as the springboard to stamp out terrorism in East Africa and piracy in the Golf of Aden.

But for the Iranians and Israelis, their mission has little to do with curbing terrorism or eradicating piracy and has more to do with: out competing against each other as well as edging out the Arab countries.

Now, the U.S. which has its forces in Djibouti will resolutely oppose establishing an Iranian naval base in Berbera. But the U.S. may not necessarily oppose Israelis. Arab rulers, on the other hand, consider both Iran and Israel’s presence in Berbera as undesirable.

Meanwhile, port Berbera is evidently the bargaining chip for Somaliland to achieve its goal. Currently, Somalilanders couldn’t care less whether it is Iranians or Israelis, or aliens from Mars that establish a naval base in port Berbera as long as they recognize Somaliland. Will Iran and Israel’s competition for East Africa trigger Somaliland’s recognition?

Depending who offers the bigger economic and military incentives, both Israel and Iran are welcomed in Somaliland. Doubtlessly, if executed properly, Somaliland has two Ace cards to play with.

• Arabs and Iran: if Israelis gains the competitive edge, Arab countries and Iran need to wake up and smell the coffee. They should iron out their differences with Somaliland to avert an Israel influence in East Africa.

• U.S., Israel, and Arab countries: if, however, Iran puts all its eggs in one basked as to win the hearts and minds of Somaliland people which could be achieved easily since Somalilanders view Iran as a Muslim nation, U.S., Israel, and Arab countries will have no choice but give Somaliland what it wants so that Iran doesn’t base its naval forces in port Berbera. U.S. should offer huge economic incentives to Somaliland while Arabs end isolating it economically and politically. This is not too much to ask, is it?

Ultimately, no matter how the dice is rolled, one thing is clear: Somaliland will look after its interest. Be it with Iran or Israel, Somaliland is open for business—first come, first served.

Written by:
Dalmar Kaahin
dalmar_k@yahoo.com

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Video: The Monster Next Door?

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Foreign strongmen accused of rights abuses retire quietly in U.S. suburbs.

Source: ABC News 20/20, 20 February 2010

A Convincing Case for Somaliland Recognition

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HARGEISA, 20 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – The opponents of Somaliland Republic sometimes raise insincere arguments about the legitimacy of its national borders and its quest for international diplomatic recognition calling its borders “Colonial Borders” to deny Somaliland sovereignty and diplomatic recognition. This hostile group is either ignorant of the historical origin of current borders of African States or purposefully engaged in misleading. The United Nations, African Union, and African States did not draw or make the current borders of African States. Similar to the borders of Somaliland, all the borders of African independent states had been drawn by the colonial powers of Europe in the 19th century, before or after The Partition of Africa in 1884, and the independence and diplomatic recognition of each African State depend upon its own colonial demarcations or borders. Likewise, all the borders of Asian and South American independent States also emerged from colonial borders drawn by Britain, France, and Spain.

It is hypocritical that these opponents recognize the legitimacy of the border between Somaliland and Djibouti but challenge the legitimacy of the border running between Somaliland and Somalia (running along Growe and Bosaso) knowing that both borders were drawn by colonial powers. The borders of Somalia, Somaliland, and Djibouti have the same status and legitimacy because they were all drawn by European Colonizers. Most of such opposing elements are easily overwhelmed by unattainable ambitions for tribal state with tribal borders that does not exist in Africa or elsewhere in the world. Their denial of the legitimacy of Somaliland borders and independence is completely in contrary to the historical realities of African borders. Anyone who opposes the legitimacy of Somaliland borders, its independence, and its diplomatic recognition is challenging the borders and sovereignty of all African independent states (54 states) whose borders rose from their colonial borders or demarcations. Djibouti, Somaliland and Somalia have the same legitimacy for independence and diplomatic recognition.

Somaliland was the first of the five-Somali territories to achieve independence from the British Empire on June 26, 1960 based on its existing borders and, before the merger with Somalia on July 1st, 1960, the first Somali country to be recognized by the United Nations and 35 member nations immediately after independence like the rest of African States. Independent Somaliland was also the first to pioneer the unification between Somaliland and Somalia in quest for Greater Somalia in the Horn of Africa. Somalia hijacked the governments of the union for the thirty years of its existence (1960-1990) and treated Somaliland as one of its own provinces like Mudug and Bay committing all kinds of injustices against it. When Somaliland people rebelled against injustices perpetrated by Somalia in the twenty years between 1960-1980, atrocities were committed against them in the decade of 1980s instead of addressing their justified grievances.

After all talks and negotiations between Somaliland leaders and Siad Barre`s regime to reverse the anti-Somaliland policies failed, the people of Somaliland had no choice but to challenge the unabated injustices of Somalia with armed resistance. Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded in April 1981. The military wing of SNM waged relentless attacks against Southern troops of atrocities, oppression, suppression, and repression for nearly a decade (1982-1990), and finally liberated Somaliland in January 1991. After the shaky union was hijacked again by self-styled Southern president, Ali Mahdi Mohamed, in February in 1991, the Somaliland people held National Congress in Burao on May 18, 1991 and unanimously proclaimed the withdrawal of Somaliland from the union with Somalia and reclaimed its independence of June 26, 1960 renaming itself Somaliland Republic. If Somalia had any respect for the unity of the doomed union, it would restrain itself from the atrocities that threatened the existence of the central clans of Somaliland. Somalia should not rally and cry now for unity it destroyed with its own hands. Injustices, atrocities, and arrogance were the major causes that forced Somaliland people to withdraw from the union with Somalia.

Some people confuse Somaliland with Puntland for either ignorance or for futile political reasons. Puntland is an integral part of Somalia because it is located within the colonial borders of Somalia (Italian-drawn borders) with which Somalia achieved independence on July 1st, 1960 and shares people and history with Somalia while Somaliland has the rightful claim of independence and recognition for having its own, unique colonial borders with which it achieved independence and diplomatic recognition on June 26, 1960. Tribal boundaries or tribal states are not recognized in Africa and that is why the Organization of African Unity solemnly declared in 1964 that all member states pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national independence. Here the borders existing on their achievement of national independence are the colonial borders on which Somaliland achieved independence on June 26, 1960. If tribal states or borders were recognized in Africa, the whole continent would collapse and be plunged into endless, devastating clan wars.

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Unlike Puntland, Somaliland is not a secessionist or a breakaway region from Somalia as its opponents would like to portray it. Somaliland Republic just withdrew from the union with Somalia that it joined as an independent state on July 1st, 1960 after it failed in the hands of Somalia. Somaliland and Somalia are not the first two countries in this world whose union ceased to exist. The Soviet Union of 15 Socialist Republics and created by the Bolshevik Revolution led by Vladimir Lenin in 1917 broke up after social upheavals with deep political discontent and came to an end peacefully in 1989 with new countries emerging from it such as Georgia, Ukraine, Armenia, Uzbekistan, Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia etc. They are all recognized by the UN and international community on the basis of their original borders existing before the union. The federation of former Yugoslavia that had 8 countries broke up after bloody civil wars (1991-1995) and new countries such as Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Slovenia, Kosovo etc emerged from its ashes. All are recognized diplomatically too for their original borders existing before the federation. This shows that the unity among countries in a union is not sacred if they disagree but the unity within a country like Somaliland, Djibouti, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda etc is sacred because each country is bound together by its own national borders inherited from colonial powers.

Some Somalis believe that Somaliland can not withdraw from the union with Somalia claiming that all Somalis share language, religion, color, and culture. If this claim were true, the Arab World which has nearly 17 independent countries such as Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, Yemen, and Sudan with the same language, religion, color, and culture would have a union or a federal system today. They do not have any union or federal for disagreeing to share one. Over 14 South American countries such as Argentina, Bolivia, Peru, Uruguay, Paraguay, Chile, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Panama, Nicaragua, El Salvador etc also share religion (Catholic Church), language (Spanish), culture, and color but they do not share any union or federal system. Sharing language, religion, color, and culture is not convincing factors to share or remain in a union. Justice and fair power-sharing are the most important factors for a union to survive and that is what Somalia failed to understand in the years of the union. Islamic religion commends unity for enhancing strength and power but does not support that one side of the union brings death and destruction upon the other side like Somalia did to Somaliland, particularly in the years 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989m and 1990. “Greater Somalia” is like “Greater Arab World” or “Greater South America” which no one knows when such dreams will come true. Some other Somalis believe that only Somaliland and Somalia constitute “Greater Somalia” excluding Djibouti and the occupied territories for opportunistic reasons. Somaliland will not be red meat for all Somalis again.

The place is Africa where tribalism and localism are more important than nationalism and patriotism and where democracy, fair elections, and rule of law are not respected. Chronic tribalism, brutal dictatorships, and crippling corruptions are common and normal practice of the day in Africa. Any federal government can be easily overthrown at any time by military coups, just like General Siad Barre did in 1969, with the immediate dissolution of elected parliament and constitution. No one can guarantee that this will not happen again in restive Africa. Neither Somaliland people nor the people of Somalia can afford to have another risky union that leads them to another military brutal dictatorship or despotic president that plunges both peoples into other violent, atrocious civil wars again. Because of the past painful experiences, peoples of Somaliland and Somalia need to have separate, safe, prosperous sisterly states with mutual relations like the Arab World or South American countries. Both nations must reject blind patriotism for “Greater Somalia” which is not practically feasible today.

Somaliland Republic will only discuss future relations with a government of Somalia which is democratically elected and which represents and controls the entire people and territory of Somalia. Somaliland will not meet with a government or parliament that includes individuals claiming to represent Somaliland. Any meeting or discussions with Somalia without fulfilling these two conditions would violate the basics of Somaliland`s sovereignty.

Somaliland, as any African state, has the right to be diplomatically recognized by the United Nations, African states, and other countries for its current borders that rose from colonial borders. If the African countries do not recognize Somaliland Republic for its own colonial borders as soon as possible, they should know that they put their statehood and sovereignty based on their colonial borders in question. Achieving independence on June 26, 1960 and basing that independence on its own colonial borders, as any other African independent country, Somaliland has CONVINCING CASE for international diplomatic recognition. For faster diplomatic recognition, Somaliland needs good governance and fair elections held on time. Somaliland independence is undeniable and its diplomatic recognition is unstoppable.

Written by:
Ibrahim Hassan Gagale
Email: ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com

Selling itself cheap: Was Ahlu Sunnah also after position?

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20 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – It is yet another consternation to learn the news that Ahlu Sunnah is to make a deal with the current TFG on the back of asking for positions . Has Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama also caught the virus which affected Somalia for two decade? Hankering after position was a deadly malady in Somalia since 1991. It was one of the reasons why anarchy and statelessness had reined in Somalia.

We learn in the media the negotiations between the TFG and Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama. We also learn that Ahlu Sunnah is asking for five ministers and three ambassadors. Was it not the case that existing embassies have been closed down because there was no funding or because of mismanagement.

Ahlu Sunnah was gaining ground in the fight against extremists in Somalia. However, if Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama were after a cheap and quick sell of their struggle could they not ask for a bigger position for example the position of Prime Minister? It is reported that Ahlu Sunnah some of the ministries which involving in the bargain are: Ministries of Interior, Finance, Defense and Foreign Affairs.

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It is also the case that the Somali Parliament which has 550 members and which is one of the largest in the world is to be expanded. Unspecified number of Ahlu Sunnah members of parliament would be included. Could it be another 250 members which will take the number to a wobbling number of 750 members of parliament? The existing parliament has been defunct for lack of funding and insecurity.

The region and other powers were for some time pressuring Ahlu Sunnah to join the TFG in order to make the common fight against extremists in Somalia. The Somali people would wish to see the end of extremists in Somalia. However, very little is expected from bloating a bloated transitional administration in Somalia.

Written by:
Abdi Mohamed Ali
Abdimoali2008@yahoo.ca
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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Commemorating Somaliland’s Youth Day

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HARGEISA, 20 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – “Youth are like young plants, they need to be cared for, if you take a good care of your plants, you will have strong plants and a good harvest. It is the same with youth, if you invest them”.

We are born in Somaliland; we will live in Somaliland and we will die in Somaliland. On 20 February 1982, young courageous students determined to stand for justice with throwing stones one of the most powerful military force in Africa. Most of them were in upper primary school grade eighth and first year in a high school. It was a day to remember for those students who lost their lives in that day. It was a day to remember for those who prove their commitment by tossing stones to prepare a better Somaliland for the coming generation.

Many of us who are lucky enough to go schools today and have environment that support us morally wouldn’t understand what it feels like to fling stones at that day. Imagine what goes through your mind if you were there. We, as youth today reaped the fruits of our older generations and heroic students.

Remember UFFO a group of young educators who paid themselves to work hard for their communities and build a better Somaliland for all as we are young people of today. They noshed us volunteer ideas and what freedom is and how to achieve it. They started sanitation programmes in Hargeisa hospital as a means of helping their populations. Members of UFFO were arrested for their serving to the people while others sentenced to death.

We Somaliland generation of today are commemorating this day under theme of this year which is the importance of youth participation in decision – making process. Different occasions is hold to mark this day by the Ministry of Youth and Sports, youth umbrella organizations and other youth based community organizations in Somaliland. Speeches presented in these occasions are aspiring at supporting young people’s participation in the social, economical development and policy making of the country. Young people have the latent and aptitude to play a part in society and symbolize a voice that calls for the development of life in that society.

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Youth participation in society has most often been considered in terms of civic engagement. Being a teenager is a wonderful period. When you are teenager you are violent as a wolf, just because you have seen yourself as a grown up and powerful. We imagine that we are the best thing that exists in the world.

Young people will not be enthusiastic, creative and innovative unless their societies understand they have the potential to improve their country socially, economically and politically. Thus, it depends on how their societies treat them We can say if we train our youth the leaders of the future, our society will prosper, but if they miss a direction the society will fail and live poverty. . Hence, it is essential that youth to obtain the guidance and support they need in this challenging stage of life. If supported and encouraged, youth can make a sizeable input to their country.

The young people of today are really tough and talented people. Every young men and women has a dream to carry his/her country into a higher position in the world. Involvement of society’s decision making at a young age enhances the wellbeing of every nation. We have to express our views and opinions so as to be taken seriously that we are agent of change. Inspiring the young people to speak out by articulating their views and ideas feels he or she has something to offer in his society and also a sense of belongs. A major benefit of young people’s input in decision making process makes better the confidence, knowledge and motivates others to be a part of them. It is therefore important for every nation to ensure the wellbeing of its youth and Somaliland is not exceptional.

The message is clear; Today’s young Somali Landers need participating decision-making process to obtain a sort of life skills to actively participate of an increasingly knowledge-intensive society and become today’s young citizens and tomorrow as the country’s future leaders. Unfortunately Somaliland government is not putting higher youth concerns at the heart of their development agenda, and still more remains to be done.

In spite of these, young people still face many challenges and problems which prevent them from showing their filled potential. Somaliland lack sound national youth policies that guides to the next generations for participating the decision making process in the country. It is, therefore crucial that youth receive the leadership and support they need in their government and sustaining them successful transition from youth to adult hood.

Farhan Abdi Suleiman (Oday)
Email: Oday1999@yahoo.com
Tell: 4401132
Hargiesa, Somaliland

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Farhan is a social worker, youth activist and graduate of Hargeisa University. He is a regular contributor to Somalilandpress.

Somaliland's Deepest Gratitude to King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz

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HARGEISA, 20 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – Kingdom of Saudi Arabia took productive step by allowing the livestock exports from Somaliland and Somalia. The livestock exports are economy backbone for both the countries, and 90% of daily income of Somali families is from livestock revenue. The Somali people at the horn of Africa cheered the decision of the kingdom to end the nine years old ban.

Historically, the Arabian Peninsula unveiled the importance and commercial quantity of Somali livestock during 19th century, after British Empire supplied meat to its military at Aden, Yemen, from the horn of African region, which caught the attention of the Yemeni traders, who later started exporting the meat and livestock from Somaliland to Saudi Arabia. The export of livestock by Yemeni traders was from the horn of Africa, Yemen and to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

In 1956, the first Somali businessman called Sufi Hassan exported from Berbera to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia directly and without Yemeni traders. The livestock business continued between Saudi Arabia and Somaliland without health certificates and laboratory checkups, until recently after Rift Valley Fever was discovered in the region, and Saudi authorities banned the livestock from the region.

Somaliland and regional health authorities announced that animals of the region are not sick and there was no Rift Valley Fever, instead there is political propaganda to disable some of the fast-growing economies like Somaliland. However, Saudi Arabia continued listening to such propaganda and ban lasted for nine years.

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Late 2008, Somaliland authorities and Saudi businessman Al-Jabiri joined hands to restore this traditional livestock trade between Somaliland and Saudi Arabia, and Quarantine Center at Berbera City was construction in coordination with Al-Jabiri. The center won international quality and standard accreditation. The nine year long ban on Somali livestock exports to Saudi Arabia damaged the income of the average Somali families across the region.

After the Saudi government led by his highness the King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz restored the trade link and lifted the ban, the entire Somali people in the region welcomed the decision because for them it was between death and life. The people of Somaliland thanks to the King Abdullah and Ministry of Livestock of Saudi Arabia for the humanitarian and courageous decision.

The Saudi government realized that lifting the ban from Somali livestock exports will be more valuable to the Somali people than the millions of dollars in aid. The people of Somaliland praised Saudi authorities for distinguishing between the trade and politics in Somalia.

The Saudi authorities should know that Berbera port is the major export center for Somali livestock, and newly constructed quarantine center is to ensure the safety of the animals according to international standards. Bosasso Port of Puntland comes to second inline in export business.

Again, the people of Somaliland and Somalia are thanking to his highness the King of Saudi Arabia, King Abdulaziz for lifting the ban.

By – Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi
Email: az.almutairi@yahoo.com

Source: Buzzle.com

In pictures: Somaliland army

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In 1884 the British established an agreement with local elderly leaders, this agreement became known as the British Somaliland protectorate. By 1899, they created a small military which suffered a heavy defeat by 1913 under the Mad Mullah, a religious fanatic which had more than 20, 000 horsemen and thousands more followers.

In 1914 the British created what become known as the Somaliland Camel Corps to maintain orders in Somaliland which grew to include some 700 mounted riders. In that same period, they made four major expeditions into territories controlled by the Mad Mullah but failed to capture him.

However in 1920, the Somaliland Camel Corps along with British Royal Air force’s Z force, elements from the 2nd (Nyasaland) Battalion and 6th (Somaliland) Battalion of the King’s African Rifles (KAR), Somaliland Police and an Indian battalion launched the final and fifth expedition and finally defeated the Mad Mullah. The mission was dubbed “The wave”.

In the 1930s, the Corps numbered 14 British officers, 400 African Askaris, and 150 African Reservists.

In 1940, in a hope to stop the Italian invasion, the Camel Corps received a reinforcement of one battalion of the Northern Rhodesian Regiment and numbered 1455 men.

The Corps were eventually over ran by the Italians and the British retreated to Aden (present day Yemen) however in December 1941, the British established the Somaliland Scouts, which was originally called the Somali Guard Battalion.

The force quickly grew in size and became important part of Somaliland society.

In 1960 when Somaliland gained independence, it merged with the South who were now under United Nation trusteeship after the British defeated the Italians in World War II and have successfully expelled them from the region.

Somaliland Scouts became the foundation stone for the new Somali National Army (SNA). By 1961, Somaliland Scouts were deployed in the south  in the town of Wanlaweyn, after a coup d’état, they quickly restored order and Somalia lived another day.

However to many Somalilanders, this coup was the start of the collapse of Greater Somalia and their southern brothers simply became known as ‘Wanlaweyn‘ due to their denial of the Wanlaweyn genocide.

By 1980, Somaliland officers and army officials started to desert from the Somali National Army formed their own resistance group, the Somali National Movement (SNM).

By 1991, the Somali Army collapsed and Somaliland restored it’s state and established it’s own national army “ciidaanka Qaranka”.

Today, Somaliland has a force of 16,000 men between the ages of 18 and 49.

The military of Somaliland receives the biggest share of the country’s budget.

The pictures below were provided by Sakariye Rirash.

[nggallery id=14]

Somalilandpress, 20th February 2010

Samatar Monster Next Door

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For many, mention of Somalia conjures images of a smoldering Blackhawk helicopter and AK-47-wielding pirates loaded onto an antique skiff.

What may not come to mind as quickly is the idea that the tipping point for Somalia’s downward spiral into an international no-go zone may have come decades before U.S. troops landed on a Somali beachfront in the mid 1990s. It may have come during the regime of military dictator Siad Barre.

Barre and the men under him have been accused by the United Nations of committing horrific war crimes throughout the ’70s, ’80s and early ’90s that the country is still reeling from.

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Like citizens of other countries ravaged by brutal regimes, many refugees who survived Barre’s rule came to America to start over and live quietly among the population.

But shockingly, along with refugees and victims of war crimes, some alleged war criminals themselves have emigrated to the United States, escaping retribution for the monstrous acts they may have committed at home.

Men accused of human rights abuses from Somalia to Venezuela have laid their own claims to the American dream and now enjoy the same freedoms they’re accused of trying to take away from their own people. It may seem impossible, but one of these men — some allegedly responsible for mass murder, torture and the destruction of entire populations — might literally be living next door.

Bashe Yousuf was one of the lucky ones. He survived Barre’s notorious use of summary execution, rape, torture and imprisonment without trial to control what the dictator viewed as a dissident population in the northwest part of Somalia, today known as Somaliland. Yousuf was a businessman in Hargeisa, the largest city in Somaliland. The area was particularly targeted by the regime for destruction. Along with his work in business, Yousuf said he was part of a group of community workers trying to clean up hospitals and obtain medical supplies. [ad#Google Adsense (336×280)] Yousuf claims soldiers under the command of Barre’s minister of defense, Gen. Mohammed Samantar, arrested him after his group’s actions were deemed acts of political defiance. “The government — you know, took it as we were a political organization trying to challenge their power and put us all in jail,” Yousuf said in a recent interview with ABC News.

‘The Worst Torture … Is Isolation’

Yousuf said he was subjected to beatings, electric shocks and waterboarding. Yet following what Yousuf said was months of torture, he was subjected to perhaps the worse form of punishment: six years of solitary confinement in a windowless cell. “The worst torture that a person can take is isolation,” Yousuf said. “Because you think so much, and the things that you think is the worst things that happened to you in all your life. You never think about anything good. All your nightmares haunt your every minute, every second.” Yousuf said he would provoke the guards to drag him outside the cell to beat him, just for the opportunity to have a moment outside. “Just to see the sky, and the stars,” he said. Yousuf managed to survive those six years, and suddenly, as quickly as he had been arrested and thrown into jail, he said, he was released and pardoned. By the time the Barre government collapsed in 1991, throwing the country into deeper chaos, Yousuf was living in America as an American citizen working to forget his past, yet still haunted by nightmares of his ordeal.

“I wake up and sweat almost all night sometimes,” Yousuf said, “because I’m scared.” In 1998, Yousuf’s nightmare came to life. Mohamed Samantar, Somalia’s prime minister by that point, escaped the collapse of the Barre regime and eventually made his way into the Unites States. Samantar settled in a split-level house in the Washington D.C. suburbs. “I couldn’t believe it, that somebody who has done so much harm to so many people could be living in the United States,” Yousuf said. Yousuf said Samantar was at the helm of the atrocities committed in Somaliland. Samantar’s attorney, however, denied those claims, saying that Samantar was received at the White House while in office and was granted asylum in the United States in 1997. “He’s somebody who seems to be a wonderful family man,” said Julian Spirer, the attorney. “He’s very much the sort of person you would want to have as a neighbor.”

Subject to U.S. Law?

But Yousuf isn’t buying it. He, along with four other Somalis subjected to torture and human rights abuses, filed a civil suit with the Center for Justice and Accountability (CJA) against Samantar. The suit seeks to hold the former general responsible for alleged abuses as the head of the Somali regimes’ military. “The issue here is whether Gen. Samantar is held to be subject to U.S. laws while he’s living in this country,” said Pamela Merchant, executive director of the CJA. According the Merchant, Samantar is one of possibly 1,000 alleged war criminals living here in the United States. The CJA’s main mission is to hold the suspects responsible for the atrocities they are alleged to have committed in their foreign countries. “I think the first time you realize that somebody’s living in your community that was responsible for serious human rights abuses, it can be shocking,” Merchant said. According to his family, Samantar is gravely ill, but his legal team led by Spirer contends his innocence on the charges. “There hasn’t been any proof yet. At this point these are strictly allegations,” Spirer said. Spirer said Samantar most likely was aware of the atrocities being committed in Somaliland, but there was very little he could do about them. “Did he know that these were going on?” Spirer asked. “I expect he did know they were going on. If the question is, could he do anything about them? There was probably a very limited amount that he could do.”

Merchant disagreed with that assumption.

“He was in charge of the military,” she said. “He was the person who could stop it.”

But no matter what Samantar’s involvement may have been, a hard truth looms: Legally, it may not matter.

“We have a policy in this country, it’s actually established in law, that our courts are not available to prosecute or hold liable foreign officials for acts done in their official capacity,” Spirer said.

In 2007 a district judge ruled that Samantar had immunity under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act and dismissed CJA’s lawsuit. The United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit overturned that decision, ruling that the law only applies to foreign states, not individuals.

Samantar next appealed that decision to the Supreme Court, which could hand down a ruling in the early summer. A major precedent could be set for trying officials — including our own officials — for war crimes.

For Yousuf, the case is about simple justice, and getting his day in court to confront a man he believes victimized so many.

“So many people died at the hands of this man,” Yousuf said. “I want justice. That is all.”

Accused War Criminals Make Home in U.S.
Former Somali General, Accused of Rights Abuses, Lives in Comfort in D.C. Suburbs
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By CHRIS CUOMO and EAMON McNIFF
Source: ABC News, 19 February 2010

WFP Imports Food Aid Through Berbera Port

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HARGEISA, 18 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – The United Nations Food Program (WFP) has officially started to bring and distribute food aid through Berbera port. It was last week when hundreds of trucks moved from Berbera to deliver food to the central and South Somalia.

Around 70 trucks carrying the WFP food to Galkayo could not through Puntland region when the authorities complained to WFP on using Somaliland as their base to deliver food aid to the central & southern Somalia. The trucks have been stuck in Lasanod for few days before they were allowed to cross the border to resume their trip. Spokesman from Puntland authorities said they considered the dire situation in Somalia and the need for an urgent food assistance among the communities living in those areas.

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Unconfirmed reports say some of the trucks crossed the Ethiopian border to enter Galkayo from the Ethiopian side while they found difficulties to go through Puntland region.

WFP have been using Berbera port for the last few years to deliver aid to Ethiopia. This was benefited by hundreds of Somalis & Ethiopians by transporting those food to the far regions of Ethiopia.

This is the first time WFP extends its food assistance to the central & southern parts of Somalia’s war affected populations. Huge warehouses were build in Berbera in order to stock the food before it is distributed to the respective locations.

Berbera is a strategic coastal town in the gulf of Aden. It connects all the way to Ethiopia through Hargeisa in the west and to Somalia through Burao in the east. The port exports livestock and other products to the Arabian countries as it is only 240km/150mi to Aden in Yemen. The city was home to a small naval port that was built by the Soviets, then later used by the Americans. This is now part of the commercial port.

Berbera is a seaport, with the only sheltered harbour on the south side of the Gulf of Aden

Somalilandpress

Anti-Somaliland Campaigners: Descending to the Lower of Pan-Somali Polemics

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HARGEISA, 18 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – In last two decades, Somalia was dooming into devastation, and until today it has no signs of a recovery. After the collapse of brutal regime of Siyad Barre, the armed struggle between rival Mohamed Farah Aideed and Ali Mehdi, and beginning of Warlords, the international community hosted many peace conferences for Somalis to settle their differences including the latest in Djibouti. However, all failed due to reasons with personal interest.

The entire infrastructure of Somalia collapsed and thousands of civilians were killed and other run away from their homes to the refugee camps in Kenya. The rape of women is common in southern Somalia and millions of children don’t go to schools, in addition to bloody so-called Islamic fundamentalism. This nonsense conflict in Somalia takes different shapes including tribal, political and religious.

In other hand, Somaliland restored its lost sovereignty of 26th June 1960 with colonial border. Somaliland focused on peace-making, state building, democracy, creating social services including free education to all Somaliland children from Elayo to Loyado cities. Today’s Somaliland is based on 1960 territory that won independence from Britian and 35 countries including Israel, Egypt, Ethiopia and the five permanent members of Security Council recognized with predefined colonial border, permanent population, capacity interrelations with other states. We should remember that entire African states are based on colonial border.

Somaliland rehabilitated refuges from Ethiopia. These refuges escaped the air bombing, killing and ethnic clearing against the people of Somaliland by the brutal military regime of Barre. Somaliland established multiparty political system and organized free and fair elections under international and African observers. Somaliland disarmed thousands of militia, trained and transformed them into National Army and Police. In last 20 years, Somaliland had three consecutive elected presidents and two parliaments in addition Municipal Council.

The election took place without outside support. The democracy in Somaliland is homegrown, and every Somalilander contributed in to the democracy creation. The voters standing in long queues hit the headline of international news agencies. Somaliland established sustainable economy and social services, and today the government regularly pays the salaries of more than 150,000 security officers including army, police and jail guards.

All these remarkable achievement was in less than 20 years, and without international support. UN, AU or EU did not send nor did Somaliland request crisis diffusers and election experts to support Somaliland in democracy development and state building. The commitment of the people of Somaliland towards peace, democracy and independence led these developments and progress.

Unfortunately, the international community spends millions of dollars to restore peace and security in Somalia, and neglected to help Somaliland in state building and democracy promotions. AU fact-finding delegate to Somaliland in 2005 advised the African Union to recognize Somaliland because it fulfils all the requirements of statehood.

Moreover, Somaliland is victim of terrorist attacks from lawless Somalia including Al-Shabab recent suicide bombing at the sensitive locations in Somaliland including UN Headquarter and Presidential Palace.

There is Anti-Somaliland campaigns via the media, and they misbelieve that success of Somaliland will have backfire on their interests. Such campaigners tried many times to create chaos between Somaliland tribes who lived together for thousands of years in peace and harmony. The Anti-Somaliland figures support the recent bombing in Las Anod City of eastern Somaliland, and these series of bombs killed security officers and large number of civilians.

In unsuccessful attempts, the Anti-Somaliland figures hire writers on the internet to change the centuries old history of Somaliland into their own favor. They talk to governments in Africa and Asia to disable their trade connection with Somaliland, which led the ban on Somaliland livestock to Arabian Peninsula.

One of such Anti-Somaliland campaigners is Former Somali Foreign Minister Mohamed Abdullah Oomar in the cabinet of Sheikh\ Sharif Ahmed, who asked the WFP and UNDP to stop their development and aid programs in Somaliland. This desperate attempt was to downgrade Somaliland.

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The below paragraphs are note of Somaliland Constitution in 1960; this is to prove to Anti-Somaliland campaigners that Somaliland was an independent country with defined borders and today, it restored its lost sovereignty after 40 years of detrimental union with Italian Somalia. If anyone need more prove about existence of Somaliland and its constitution, he/she either visit www.somalilandlaw.com or www.untreaty.un.org and search for Somaliland agreements with Britain, and announcement of UK that Great Britain don’t represent Somaliland because it is an independent state:

A note on the Somaliland Constitutional History between 1946 to 1960

Somaliland Constitutional History – 1946 to 1960

The Somaliland Protectorate was of course governed directly by the Queen’s representative, the Governor, who exercised all legislative and executive powers.

In 1946, an Advisory Council was established. This consisted of 48 selected members representing all the districts and the sections of the community. It had no executive or legislative power and only met usually once a year. The Council’s main purpose was “to stimulate the interest of the people themselves in the administration of the country and the in the collection and expenditure of public funds” (Touval, S Somali Nationalism, Harvard University Press, 1963, at page 107). Selection to the Council took the form of nominations made at clan meetings, with the District Commissioner aiming to “ensure that a reasonably representative body of delegates is sent from each District” (Lewis, IM The Modern History of Somaliland Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965 at page 279).

The Somaliland (Constitution) Order in Council 1955 was made on 10 February 1955, but did not come into force until 1957, when the first Legislative Council was set up for the first time. The Council consisted of 15 members, and was presided by the Governor. The rest of the members consisted of the three ex officio members (the Chief Secretary, the Attorney General and the Financial secretary), five official members who were heads of the Government Departments and six unofficial members nominated by the Governor.

Nominations for the latter six seats were sought in the Advisory Council, but no agreement was reached on the nominations. “In the end, however, as was to be expected, 24 candidates representative of the main clans and lineages in the six Administrative Districts of the Protectorate were proposed, very much on the basis of the Advisory Council” (Lewis: 280). There was an Executive Council which consisted of the Governor, the 3 ex officio members and two of the heads of the Government Departments.

The Somaliland (Constitution) Order in Council 1959 came into force on 20 February 1959. There were of course demands for elected representation on the Council, and in 1959, a new Council was formed, which consisted of the Governor as President, 12 elected members, 2 nominated unofficial members and 15 official members. In March 1959, elections for the 12 seats were held by secret ballot in a limited number of urban and rural districts and a vote by acclamation was sought in the remaining districts. Although the election was boycotted by the main political party, the Somali National League (SNL), because their demand for “an unofficial majority” (i.e Somali representation) in the Council was not accepted, this was, in effect, the first Somaliland election. Voters were males over 21 years old. In town constituencies, voters were required to possess either a dwelling or 10 camels, 10 head of cattle or 100 sheep and goats. The 12 seats were divided equally amongst the six principal districts.

The Somaliland (Constitution) (No.2) Order in Council 1959 came into force on 21 November 1959. The number of the elected members of the Council was increased to 33 and the appointed membership was reduced to 3.

The Somaliland (Constitution) Order in Council 1960 came into force on 16 February 1960. The composition of the Legislative Council remained the same, but the executive Council now consisted of three ex officio members and four unofficial members appointed by the Governor from among the elected members of the legislative Council. The Executive Council was designated as the principal instrument of policy and its members “shall be styled Ministers”. Elections for the legislative Council were held in February by universal adult male suffrage.

This Order therefore heralded the second and more comprehensive Legislative Council elections which were held in February 1960. SNL won 20 of the seats, the USP, 12 seats and the NUF, 1 seat. Although the SNL and the USP won all but one of the seats, the number of votes which they obtained was only a little more than twice of that NUF. (SNL and USP gained 68.75% of the votes (as compared to NUF’s 31.25% and that netted them 99% of the seats – see Touval, S Somali Nationalism, Harvard University Press, 1963, at page 106). Four ministerial posts were held by Somalis for the first time, and the SNL leader, Mr Ibrahim Haji Ibrahim Egal was one of the ministers and the Leader of Government Business in the Legislative Council.

On independence on 26 June 1960, the first Constitution of the independent State of Somaliland came into force. The Constitution which was annexed to the Great Britain Somaliland Order in Council 1960 (S.I 1060 of 23 June 1960). The Constitution, which consists of a total of 53 sections and a schedule is important, because marks the unique juridical status of Somaliland as an independent, sovereign state, albeit, for a short period. The Executive consisted of the Council of Ministers – a Prime Minister and three other Ministers- which had the full executive authority vested in them. Up to three Assistant Ministers may be appointed by the Prime Minister from among the members of the Legislative Assembly.

The Legislature consisted of the Council of Ministers and the members of the Legislative Assembly. The Assembly consisted of a speaker and 33 members. Under s.18 of the Constitution, the first Legislative Assembly was the Legislative Council elected in February 1960. The term of office of the Assembly was three years, which applied also to the first Assembly. The Prime Minister had, however, power, under s.38 to prorogue or dissolve the Assembly at any time, which would lead to a general lection within three months of the dissolution.

The Judicature consisted of the Somaliland High Court, the judges of which shall be appointed by the Council of Ministers. Section 40 set out clear terms for tenure of office of judges who shall hold office until the age of 62, and can only be removed from office “for misbehaviour or for inability to discharge the functions of his office”. If the Council of Ministers consider that a judge ought to be removed from office for these reasons, then it shall appoint a tribunal of no less two persons “who held high judicial office in Somaliland or any other country”. Other than the High Court, the Constitution stated that Somaliland shall have such other subordinate courts as prescribed by law.

Sources:
www.somalilandlaw.com
www.untreaty.un.org

By:Abdulaziz Al-Mutairi
Email: az.almutairi@yahoo.com

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