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Turkish National’s Visit to Hargeisa Sparks Questions Amid Regional Geopolitical Rivalries

By
Goth Mohamed
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By Mustafa Abdi Ibrahim

Hargeisa, Somaliland – The recent arrival of a Turkish national identified as Umut Çağrı Zari in Hargeisa has triggered scrutiny from political observers and security analysts, following unverified claims suggesting possible links to Turkish intelligence structures.

Zari, who publicly presents himself as a journalist and writer, has previously published geopolitical commentary on the Horn of Africa, including analysis of Somaliland’s relations with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Israel. While no verifiable evidence connects him to intelligence activities, regional sources have raised questions about whether his presence extended beyond ordinary journalistic pursuits.

Allegations and Denials

Multiple sources familiar with regional dynamics have suggested—without providing substantiating evidence—that Zari may be aligned with broader Turkish state interests. These sources point to Turkey’s expanding diplomatic, military, and economic footprint in the Horn of Africa, particularly its substantial presence in neighboring Somalia, which includes a major military training facility in Mogadishu and extensive infrastructure investments.

However, neither the Government of Somaliland nor Turkish diplomatic missions have issued any official statement confirming or refuting these allegations. All claims remain speculative and unsubstantiated.

Zari’s published writings reportedly adopt critical stances toward Emirati influence in the region and have explored scenarios regarding potential Somaliland-Israel normalization. Some analysts argue such commentary reflects established geopolitical rivalries playing out across the Horn. Others caution that strong political opinions alone do not constitute evidence of intelligence activity, and conflating journalism with espionage risks undermining press freedom and due process.

Geostrategic Context

The Horn of Africa has become a critical arena for international competition, with Turkey, the UAE, Qatar, Ethiopia, and Western powers vying for influence. Nations including Djibouti, Somalia, Sudan, and Somaliland occupy strategic positions along vital maritime routes in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

Turkey’s engagement in the region has deepened considerably through economic investments, educational initiatives, and military cooperation with the Somali federal government. The UAE has similarly pursued an assertive strategy, securing port development deals and cultivating security relationships, including with Somaliland.

Within this context of intensifying competition, visits by foreign nationals engaged in political commentary can attract heightened scrutiny—particularly when their country of origin maintains competing interests with other regional actors.

Unanswered Questions

Zari’s presence has generated pressing questions among citizens and observers:

· What was the stated purpose and actual nature of his visit to Hargeisa?
· Did he meet with government officials, opposition figures, civil society representatives, or private individuals?
· Does he remain in Somaliland, or has he since departed?
· What protocols govern the monitoring of foreign visitors whose work touches on sensitive political topics?

Some members of the public have called upon Somaliland’s security institutions to provide greater transparency regarding how foreign nationals with potential political interests are assessed and monitored.

Official Silence Fuels Speculation

As of this report, Somaliland’s security agencies have released no official statement addressing Zari’s presence or activities. Turkish diplomatic representatives have similarly remained silent.

This absence of clarification has allowed speculation to flourish, underscoring the challenges faced by unrecognized states in managing foreign engagement while navigating complex international pressures.

Wider Strategic Risks

The episode carries significant implications for Somaliland:

  1. Sovereignty Concerns
    If unverified allegations prove credible, this would constitute a violation of Somaliland’s sovereignty. Even without proof, the perception that foreign actors conduct unauthorized activities risks undermining public trust in the government’s ability to protect national security.

  2. Diplomatic Balancing Act
    Somaliland navigates delicate relationships with competing powers—particularly Turkey and the UAE, both of which have invested significantly in the region. Any perceived alignment with one party over another could complicate efforts to maintain constructive partnerships with multiple international actors simultaneously.

  3. Security Vulnerabilities
    Foreign nationals with intelligence affiliations could potentially gather sensitive information regarding government operations, security infrastructure, and economic assets—information that could be leveraged to undermine Somaliland’s negotiating position in future engagements.

  4. Precedent for Future Activity
    Failure to adequately scrutinize questionable foreign visits could set a dangerous precedent, potentially encouraging other actors to view Somaliland as permissive terrain for intelligence-gathering or political manipulation.

  5. Domestic Political Fallout
    The combination of unverified allegations and official silence risks fueling public suspicion, conspiracy theories, and political polarization—potentially undermining social cohesion and trust in institutions.

  6. Reputational Damage
    If Somaliland is perceived as unable or unwilling to regulate foreign visitors engaged in sensitive activities, this could damage its international reputation as a stable, self-governing entity capable of exercising effective sovereignty—a reputation critical to its pursuit of wider recognition.

Conclusion: Awaiting Clarification

In the absence of official confirmation or substantiating evidence, the allegations surrounding Umut Çağrı Zari remain precisely that—allegations, not established facts. Experts caution against drawing definitive conclusions without verifiable proof, while acknowledging the sensitivity of geopolitical competition in one of the world’s most strategically contested regions.

Ultimately, this episode underscores broader questions facing Somaliland: How to remain open to foreign engagement while safeguarding national security? How to address public concerns without inflaming diplomatic tensions? And how to develop transparent mechanisms for monitoring foreign activity without compromising due process?

For now, the matter rests in the realm of speculation, pending official clarification from Somaliland’s security institutions or Turkish authorities. Until then, responsible reporting must distinguish between verified facts and unsubstantiated claims—recognizing that in the fog of geopolitical competition, clarity is often the first casualty.

‎Dahabshiil Group Makes History with Unprecedented Community Iftar Events in Hargeisa and Burao

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Hargeisa – In a powerful display of unity and shared purpose, Dahabshiil Group has successfully hosted its largest-ever community Iftar events in two of Somaliland’s most prominent cities—Hargeisa and Burao. These landmark gatherings each represented historic moments of connection, bringing together a rich tapestry of community members from across all walks of life in their respective cities.
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‎Both evenings unfolded under the profoundly meaningful and unifying theme:
‎“Let us unite our hearts and set aside tribalism,”
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‎a message that resonated deeply throughout each gathering and underscored the organization’s enduring dedication to social cohesion and collective progress across the region.
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‎While the breaking of bread at sunset was the centerpiece of both evenings, these annual Iftar initiatives serve a far greater purpose, acting as catalysts for lasting social transformation through multiple dimensions:
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‎Weaving a Stronger Social Fabric and Fostering National Identity
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‎In contexts where clan affiliations have historically shaped social dynamics, these events actively champion a broader, more inclusive Somali identity. By intentionally convening individuals from diverse clans, generations, and socioeconomic backgrounds within each city, the Iftars provide tangible, living proof that unity transcends traditional divisions. They transform the ideal of “national unity” from an abstract aspiration into a lived, shared reality experienced by all who attend.
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‎Creating Platforms for Meaningful Dialogue and Reconciliation
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‎Each Iftar offered a uniquely neutral and respectful space where meaningful connections could flourish within its community. Local leaders, elders, youth representatives, and business figures engaged in informal conversation, breaking down barriers in an atmosphere of mutual respect. These relaxed interactions often plant the seeds for resolving long-standing misunderstandings, building new bridges of cooperation, and nurturing a spirit of reconciliation that moves communities beyond the limitations of past divisions.
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‎Demonstrating Exemplary Corporate Citizenship and Leadership
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‎As an internationally respected brand with deep ancestral roots in the region, Dahabshiil’s leadership in sponsoring these simultaneous events sets a powerful precedent for corporate responsibility. It illustrates the transformative role the private sector can play in social development, affirming that businesses are not merely economic engines but essential stakeholders in building peaceful, prosperous, and resilient societies across multiple urban centres.
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‎A Strategic Investment in Social Capital

‎Ultimately, these Iftar events by Dahabshiil Group transcend the boundaries of simple meals; they represent thoughtful and strategic investments in the social capital of the communities they serve. They deliver profound and enduring messages: that the true foundations of development—lasting peace, genuine stability, and deep-rooted trust—are built not through division and separation, but through the courageous and collective act of uniting hearts and sharing tables together, whether in Hargeisa, Burao, or beyond.

After Israel’s Recognition of Somaliland, Will Trump Follow?

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Israel’s shock decision has scrambled alliances from Riyadh to Ankara and reopened a battle over minerals, military bases, and control of the Red Sea corridor

By Dan M. Ford

On Dec. 26, 2025, Israel sent shockwaves across the diplomatic world by becoming the first country to recognize Somaliland’s independence. The self-governing area has claimed independence from Somalia since 1991.

The international condemnation of Israel’s recognition was swift. Three days later, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) held an emergency session on the matter, during which 14 of the UNSC’s 15 members expressed opposition to Israel’s decision. Many argued that Israel’s recognition violates the principles of the UN Charter around the recognition of a breakaway state’s sovereignty and risks destabilizing an already fragile region. Somalia’s ambassador to the UN, for example, said that Israel’s recognition encouraged “the fragmentation of the territory of Somalia … and is destabilizing the entire Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region.”

A few countries also expressed concern about Israel using its newfound partner to achieve broader geopolitical aims, particularly as it relates to the forced displacement of Palestinians from Gaza to Somaliland. On this issue, Pakistan’s deputy UN representative said that “Pakistan unequivocally rejects any proposals or plans aimed at the forced displacement of Palestinians.” France’s ambassador also alluded to this issue, saying, “France will continue to oppose any forced displacement of civilian populations.”

The United States was Israel’s sole defender on the Council, with Deputy US Ambassador to the UN Tammy Bruce arguing that “meetings such as today’s distract from serious work,” and that “Israel has the same right to conduct diplomatic relations as any other sovereign state.”

Israel’s deputy ambassador, who was invited to the meeting, defended his country’s decision, insisting that it was “a lawful, principled acknowledgment of a long-established reality, consistent with international law.”

In a statement publicizing its recognition of Somaliland, Israel said nothing about its broader regional geopolitical ambitions nor any desire to use Somaliland as a destination for displaced Palestinians. Instead, the statement said that Israel “plans to immediately expand its relations with the Republic of Somaliland through extensive cooperation in the fields of agriculture, health, technology, and economy.”

Although details of any potential quid pro quo agreement between Somaliland and Israel have not been made public, Israel was perhaps incentivized to recognize Somaliland in part for access to the country’s minerals. Somaliland’s president told Reuters in early February that his country is actively negotiating a trade agreement with Israel, and is looking to offer its partner access to its vast mineral wealth.

From Israel’s perspective, building relations with Somaliland could also be beneficial from a security standpoint if such a relationship were to eventually lead to greater Israeli access to land near the Gulf of Aden, which, through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, connects to the Red Sea — one of the world’s most heavily trafficked shipping lanes. More recently, the waterway’s geopolitical significance has grown, with the Red Sea becoming the battleground of an expanded war in Gaza, with attacks by anti-Israel Houthi rebels from Yemen against ships traversing the sea.

From Somaliland’s perspective, Israel’s recognition provides the breakaway state diplomatic clout, and could open the door for Israel’s closest international ally — the United States — to soon recognize the breakaway region as well, which Trump has contemplated in the past.

Although Israel’s full ambition for its relationship with its newfound partner remains to be seen, what has become clear in the weeks since its December recognition is that the regional cleavages over the Somalia-Somaliland controversy are intensifying. Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey are deepening their support for Somalia in the wake of Israel’s recognition, while the UAE has joined Israel in extending its support to Somaliland.

On Feb. 9, Somali Defense Minister Ahmed Moallim Fiqi and Saudi Defense Minister Khalid bin Salman bin Abdulaziz met in Riyadh to sign a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the aim of facilitating “military cooperation” between the two. This is the second major military cooperation agreement signed between Somalia and a partner country since Israel’s recognition of Somaliland in December. Last month, Somalia signed a similar agreement with Qatar, reportedly laying the groundwork for military training between the two as well as the development of defense capabilities.

In the weeks since Israel’s December recognition of the break-away state, the regional cleavages over the Somalia-Somaliland controversy are intensifying.

Meanwhile, Somalia is deepening its relationship with Turkey, which has for years provided the Somali military with a wide variety of weapons, and has its largest overseas military base in Somalia since 2017. In January, Turkey sent F-16 fighter jets and attack helicopters to Somalia to be used in operations against the armed group al-Shabab. The economic relations between the two are also tightening. Earlier this month, Turkey’s state-owned oil company, TPAO, dispatched a deep-sea drilling ship off Somalia’s coast following an agreement signed in March of 2024.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has openly expressed his disdain for Israel’s recognition. In a joint press conference in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa on Feb. 17, he said that Israel’s decision to recognize Somaliland “would benefit neither Somaliland nor the Horn of Africa.” The Somaliland government responded by saying that Erdogan’s comments amount to “unacceptable interference aimed at discouraging relations between Somaliland and regional partners.”

The venue for Erdogan’s sharp words is a bit ironic, given that Ethiopia itself was not long ago caught in the center of the controversy over Somaliland recognition. In early 2024, Ethiopia signed an MOU with Somaliland in which it agreed to recognize the breakaway state as a free and independent country in exchange for a 50-year lease of a 20-kilometer (12.4-mile) stretch of land on Somaliland’s coast along the Gulf of Aden. Ethiopia has been landlocked since Eritrea broke away in 1991, and has sought to regain access to one of the world’s most valuable bodies of water ever since. But following a successful mediation effort by Turkey, Ethiopia’s relations with Somalia thawed, and it backed away from the deal, leaving Somaliland unrecognized by any government until Israel’s recognition in late December.

While Israel remains the only state to officially recognize Somaliland, it isn’t the only one to offer its support to the breakaway region. Cameron Hudson, a former Africa director at the US National Security Council, told Responsible Statecraft that “many people argue that, behind the scenes, it’s the UAE that supported and even encouraged this Israeli recognition of Somaliland.” Indeed, the UAE has a stake in Somaliland’s success. Through its government-owned logistics company DP World, the UAE spent over $400 million on the development and operations of Somaliland’s Berbera Port. Moreover, the UAE has started accepting travelers with Somaliland passports, while rejecting those traveling under Somali ones.

The schism over Somaliland has worsened relations between the UAE and its once close partner, Saudi Arabia. In January, just weeks before signing its own military cooperation agreement with Somalia, Saudi Arabia accused the UAE of facilitating the transportation of the Yemeni separatist leader Aidarous al-Zubaidi from Yemen to Somaliland, before then sending him onwards to Abu Dhabi. In response to these suggestions, Somalia abruptly ended all agreements with the UAE, including those dealing with port operations, security, and defense. Within weeks, it signed the aforementioned agreements with Qatar and Saudi Arabia.

Abu Dhabi and Riyadh find themselves on different sides of the civil war in Yemen, with the UAE supporting southern separatists while Saudi Arabia supports groups looking to unify Yemen under one government. The two are also on opposite sides of the nearby Sudan civil war, with the UAE supporting the paramilitary Rapid Support Force and Saudi Arabia supporting the Sudanese Armed Forces.

Questions now abound over which other states might soon lend their support to one side of the Somali controversy. Talk of the United States potentially recognizing Somaliland is intensifying, with US Senator Ted Cruz having openly expressed his desire to have his government officially recognize Somaliland’s independence.

Somaliland’s pursuit of American recognition is reportedly ramping up. The breakaway country’s minister of the presidency, Khadar Hussein Abdi, told Agence France-Presse that “we are willing to give exclusive (access to our minerals) to the United States. Also, we are open to offer military bases to the United States” in exchange for US recognition. In an effort to fend off Somaliland’s charge, Somalia reportedly offered the US a similar deal in response.

For now, Trump continues to accept the One Somalia Policy.

Author bio

Dan M. Ford

Dan M. Ford is a junior research fellow in the Global South Program at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. Previously, Dan worked as a Research and Communications Assistant at the Global Interagency Security Forum (GISF), an organization focused on supporting the safety and security of humanitarian and development professionals across the world. Prior to that, Dan spent time working and interning in a variety of different organizations, focused mostly on international development, human rights, and conflict prevention and resolution. Dan speaks English, French, and Albanian.

Somaliland move may cost India African goodwill

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland reshapes maritime politics, placing New Delhi’s carefully cultivated African partnerships under strain.

The emergence of a new axis in the strategic Red Sea corridor following Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as an independent state in defiance of the international community could impact New Delhi’s “special” relationship with Africa.

This new axis linking Israel, India, the United Arab Emirates and Ethiopia is coalescing around control of the Middle East and Horn of Africa’s most vital maritime chokepoints.

At its core is the Gulf of Aden – the artery between Yemen and Somalia – funnelling traffic between the Arabian Sea and the Red Sea through the Bab al-Mandab Strait, a critical gateway between the Arabian Peninsula and the Horn of Africa.

Somaliland’s recognition by Israel as an independent state has dramatically altered the geopolitical calculus along one of the most strategic maritime corridors, prompting concern in Beijing, Ankara, Cairo and Riyadh.

Somaliland overlooks one of the world’s busiest maritime arteries.

As such, it is a strategic gold mine offering a platform for Israel and its partners to secure the coastline and open the way for military cooperation and infrastructure expansion.

Gaining access through Somaliland’s Port of Berbera to the strategic route will strengthen Tel Aviv’s efforts to counter Iran’s endeavours to move physically closer to Israel by securing the Red Sea region as a southern maritime gateway.

Israel’s move also aims to counter Türkiye’s efforts to entrench its political and military influence in Somalia and adjacent maritime routes, and China’s influence in East Africa.

The Israeli move in the Horn of Africa aligns closely with India’s strategic aim of securing maritime trade routes in the region and creating a counterweight to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

Somaliland offers New Delhi an opportunity to advance its maritime strategy whilst complementing its ties with the UAE and growing security cooperation with Israel.

It also coincides with New Delhi’s desire for an alternative to China’s BRI in Africa.

Although India has not followed Israel in recognising Somaliland as an independent entity, its participation in creating the new Red Sea axis could complicate New Delhi’s relationship with Africa.

New Delhi now risks being seen by some African countries as a divisive force as the African Union upholds post-colonial border integrity and, like the rest of the international community, opposes the recognition of Somalia as an independent state.

As a result, India’s image as a neutral and trusted anchor in Africa may be jeopardised.

India’s involvement in the Red Sea axis promises enhanced security and infrastructure investment while complicating relations due to its alignment with regional actors, particularly South Africa, whose support for the Palestinian cause and legal action against Israel at the International Court of Justice makes India’s cooperation with an “Israel-led” axis challenging.

Source: The Citizen 

Somaliland President Appoints Ambassador to Israel

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

By Goth Mohamed Goth

HARGEISA, Somaliland — The President of the Republic of Somaliland has officially appointed Dr. Mohamed Omar Haji Mohamud as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the State of Israel.

In accordance with a presidential decree, Dr. Mohamud has been vested with all the privileges, authorities, rights, and responsibilities pertaining to the diplomatic post. The appointment aligns with the Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland, national legislation, and established international norms governing diplomatic relations.

The appointment is effective immediately.

Will Ethiopia be part of Israel’s ‘hexagon’ alliance rivalling its enemies?

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Israeli President Herzog is in Addis Ababa days after high-level delegations from Turkiye and Saudi Arabia also visited.

By Shola Lawal

‎Days after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu proposed forging a network of allied nations, including in the Middle East and Africa, to stand against what he called “radical” adversaries, the country’s president is on an official visit to key ally, Ethiopia.

It is not yet known which Arab and African countries will form part of Netanyahu’s hypothetical “hexagon of alliances”, which he said on Sunday will include Israel, India, Greece, Cyprus and others to stand against their enemies in the Middle East. Chief among those enemies is presumably Iran and its network of resistance groups from Hezbollah in Lebanon to the Houthis of Yemen.

list of end of list

Analysts doubt Israel could secure enough influence over nation-states to form a formal security pact.

However, the country is deepening its ongoing charm offensive in Africa, which it began during the genocide in Gaza, as its reputation suffered a decline on the continent, with the African Union (AU) releasing multiple statements condemning Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilians.

In a rare visit, Israeli President Isaac Herzog arrived in Ethiopia on Tuesday. The last presidential trip to the East African country took place in 2018.

“The relationship between our peoples is woven deep into the pages of history and human tradition,” Herzog said in a statement upon his arrival. “At the heart of the story of both our nations lies a clear common thread – the ability to join hands, unite resources of spirit and substance, to innovate, develop, and grow for the benefit of all.”

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Herzog, on Wednesday, met with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed who said the two leaders talked about “ways to improve collaboration in areas of mutual interest,” without revealing further details.

But beneath the surface, observers say the visit also represents a battle for influence over Addis Ababa, which has received similar high-level delegations from Turkiye and Saudi Arabia in recent days.

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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu inspecting a guard of honour at the National Palace during his State visit to Ethiopia in 2016 [File: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters]

Shared ties and shared anger

Ethiopia and Israel are bound by several links, from shared histories of their people to shared scrutiny over recent political moves in the Horn of Africa that have angered several of the region’s influential nations.

Both countries maintain friendly ties largely due to the Beta Israel community, or Ethiopian Jews, who hail from northern Tigray and Amhara. Historically, Ethiopian Jews suffered religious persecution, and after Israel’s formation, it sought their emigration under its Law of Return policy. Between the late 1970s and mid-1990s, tens of thousands of Ethiopian Jews were covertly transported to Israel – during a time when several African countries, including Ethiopia, had cut off ties with Israel over the 1973 Yom Kippur War and its invasion of Egypt. On the cusp of a civil war in Ethiopia in 1991, Mossad, Israel’s spy agency, launched a daring operation that airlifted 14,000 Ethiopians over the course of just two days.

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‎About

 160,000 Ethiopian Jews now live in Israel. Many within the community have struggled to integrate and have complained of discrimination and racism. In 2019, tens of thousands of Ethiopian Jews flooded the streets in protest across Israeli cities after a 19-year-old of Ethiopian origin was shot dead by the police.

Ethiopia-Israel state relations have, meanwhile, remained steady. In 2016, when Netanyahu visited the country in his first prime ministerial visit – Addis Ababa became one of the first African countries to voice support for Israel’s long-sought observer status at the AU. Fierce opposition from South Africa, Algeria and other countries supporting Palestine delayed the process until 2021. Later, in 2023, the AU confirmed it had withdrawn the status.

Mashav, Israel’s aid agency, has, in the past decade, provided aid to Ethiopia in the form of agriculture and water cooperation projects, although Addis Ababa receives much more significant funding from wealthier partners like China. When Israel sponsored several African journalists on media trips to the country last year, Ethiopia was among the countries it invited journalists from.

More recently, both countries are bound by their support for Somaliland, which Somalia claims as part of its territory and which Israel sees as critical to its own national security, Hargeisa-based analyst Moustafa Ahmad told Al Jazeera.

In December, Israel recognised Somaliland’s statehood, becoming the first country to do so. Months before, there were unconfirmed talks about plans to move displaced Palestinians to Somaliland or to South Sudan, another key Israeli ally in the region. Analysts speculate that countries like South Sudan and the United Arab Emirates, another close friend of Israel, may also recognise Somaliland.

Israel’s focus on the Horn of Africa intensified after a late 2024 report from a United Nations expert panel, which found that the Somalia-based armed group, al-Shabab, was actively collaborating with Yemen’s Houthis. Where the Houthis were providing weapons and drone training, al-Shabab was, in return, granting access to a smuggling corridor stretching along the Somali coast and connecting to the Gulf of Aden, where Iranian weapons could be smuggled into Yemen.

The move to recognise Somaliland was therefore meant to disrupt that cooperation by stationing an Israeli naval base in the region, analysts note.

“It’s part of their calculations even if they haven’t said it publicly,” Ahmad said.

Several countries, as well as the AU, have pushed back on Israel’s recognition of Somaliland, calling it a violation of Somalia’s sovereignty. In Somaliland, however, many have celebrated the move, and on Wednesday this week, Hargeisa announced it’s first-ever ambassador to Israel.

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan poses with Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed following a press conference in Ankara, Turkey, December 11, 2024. Murat Kula/Presidential Press Office/Handout via REUTERS ATTENTION EDITORS - THIS PICTURE WAS PROVIDED BY A THIRD PARTY. NO RESALES. NO ARCHIVES.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan holds hands with Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, left, following a media conference in Ankara, on December 11, 2024 [File: Murat Kula/Presidential Press Office/Handout via Reuters]

Addis Ababa under pressure

While neither Israel nor Ethiopia has provided details of topics on the agenda during Herzog’s visit, Somaliland is likely at the top of the list.

Addis Ababa had in 2024 enraged its neighbours after it signed a controversial port deal with Hargeisa that would allow it access to the sea, reportedly in exchange for a future recognition of Somaliland. Although massive and rapidly industrialising, Ethiopia is landlocked, having lost its sea access after Eritrea seceded in 1993. Prime Minister Abiy has often said sea access is critical for his country.

The fall-out between Ethiopia and Somalia was so severe that analysts sounded the alarm over possible armed conflict between the two neighbours until Turkiye, a key development partner for Mogadishu, stepped in to smooth things over by pressuring Addis Ababa to coordinate with Mogadishu instead.

It is likely, analysts say, that Israel is now hoping to push Ethiopia further towards recognising Somaliland, which boasts a 850km (528-mile) coastline. In Hargeisa, many are disappointed after more countries failed to follow Israel’s steps, Ahmad said.

Addis Ababa, though, might not appreciate further pressure at the moment as it faces increasing regional isolation on several fronts.

One key reason is the controversial Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), which Egypt and Sudan say is blocking the water supply they need for irrigation.

A source of national pride for Ethiopians, the dam was funded almost entirely through citizens’ donations and government funds. Israeli engineers participated in the project, and Israel reportedly sold weapons to Ethiopia to protect the dam amid tensions with its neighbours, although the Israeli government denies this.

At the same time, Addis Ababa is also facing tensions with Eritrea, which has moved closer to Somalia and Egypt. Both countries have historically feuded, and recently, tensions have again risen over the 2020 Tigray War and Abiy’s repeated statements about his country needing access to the sea.

“Addis Ababa is cautious of making a decision that will cement its regional isolation at this time [because] it is clearly hedging among various actors seeking to influence the Horn of Africa and Red Sea region,” Ahmad said.

Pressure is also mounting on Addis Ababa from countries eager to keep the status quo.

On Sunday, Turkiye’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan visited Ethiopia and said in his speech: “I would like to emphasise that Israel’s recognition of Somaliland does not benefit Somaliland or the Horn of Africa.”

His statement drew a backlash from Hargeisa, which called it “unacceptable interference” aimed at wrecking relations between Somaliland and its partners.

Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia, which is embroiled in an ongoing rift with the United Arab Emirates over how to deal with the conflict in Yemen, also intervened in the fray in February. Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Waleed Elkhereiji was in Addis Ababa this week to discuss “regional peace”, just two weeks after Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud arrived in the city for talks with Abiy.

So far, it is unclear if Riyadh has recorded any success in influencing Addis Ababa.

How Israel will fare in that regard is also still unclear.

Source: Al Jazeera

 

Dahabshiil Group Sponsors the 34th Prestigious Quran Competition in Hargeisa

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Hargeisa – In a momentous celebration of faith, scholarship, and youthful excellence, Dahabshiil Group has successfully concluded the 34th annual closing ceremony of its distinguished Quran Competition for boys, held at the historic Ali Mataan Mosque in Hargeisa.

Throughout its duration, this revered competition served as a powerful catalyst for deepening the spiritual connection of young participants with the Holy Quran, inspiring them to master both its memorization and the art of its beautiful recitation with precision and devotion. Beyond the pursuit of academic achievement, the contest nurtured the intellectual growth and moral character of the youth, instilling in them a lifelong love for the sacred text and its timeless teachings.

A Legacy of Spiritual and Educational Excellence:

For an extraordinary 34 years, the Dahabshiil Group Quran Competition has stood as a beacon of religious scholarship and a cornerstone of the company’s unwavering commitment to community development. What began as a modest initiative has blossomed into one of the most anticipated and revered events in the region’s Islamic calendar, drawing thousands of young memorizers from diverse communities eager to demonstrate their dedication and skill.

The competition, which traditionally features separate categories for boys and girls, rigorously evaluates participants not only on the accuracy of their memorization but also on their mastery of tajweed—the intricate rules of Quranic pronunciation and intonation—and their profound understanding of the message and meaning embedded within the holy verses.

Cultivating a Generation Grounded in Faith and Virtue:

By consistently investing in these spiritually enriching programs across more than three decades, Dahabshiil Group reaffirms its deep-rooted belief that true societal progress is built upon a foundation of strong moral and ethical values. The annual gathering at Ali Mataan Mosque is far more than a competition; it is a vibrant celebration of heritage, a testament to the dedication of families and teachers, and a powerful investment in nurturing a generation of youth who are not only intellectually equipped but also spiritually grounded and committed to leading lives of purpose, integrity, and service to their communities.

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland: the strategic calculations at play

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Somaliland is not internationally recognised as a sovereign state, though it declared independence from Somalia in 1991. A territory becomes a sovereign state when its independence is recognised by the United Nations. For this reason, it has no seat at the UN and is considered, under international law, part of Somalia.

Nevertheless, Somaliland holds elections and maintains relative internal stability. It is also attracting increasing informal diplomatic engagement – though not formal recognition – from Ethiopia, the United States and, most recently, Israel.

This growing interest highlights a geopolitical paradox. An unrecognised polity has become strategically relevant in the Red Sea region, along the Gulf of Aden at the Horn of Africa. This is a key corridor linking the Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Indian Ocean.

On 26 December 2025, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as a sovereign state. This made Israel the first UN member to do so. While the concrete effects of the decision remain uncertain, Israel’s move fits into a broader strategy to strengthen its presence in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region.

Of all the African states, landlocked Ethiopia has come closest to formally recognising Somaliland, driven by its wish to get direct access to the Red Sea via the port of Berbera. This has become more urgent amid regional competition and instability

US officials have defended Israel’s right to recognise Somaliland, but the US itself hasn’t done so despite speculation that it might.

I have studied the political dynamics in the Horn of Africa and recently published a book on the competing interests in the Red Sea. For me, this latest development raises two key questions: what is Somaliland’s strategic importance and why the growing interest now?

In short, Somaliland is important because it is located on one of the world’s most critical maritime routes. Current regional instability has increased the importance of partners that can provide security, access and political stability, even without formal recognition.

Israel’s strategic calculation

Israel has framed its recognition of Somaliland primarily in terms of regional security and strategic stability. It has cited the need to safeguard maritime routes in the Red Sea and counter growing threats in the Horn of Africa.

Beyond these stated reasons, however, Israel is motivated by national security considerations. Following the 7 October 2023 attacks and Israel’s military campaign in Gaza, the importance of existing strategic priorities in the Red Sea region has increased.

Somaliland’s location on the Gulf of Aden puts the territory – and any external actors with a presence there – in a position to monitor some of the world’s most important maritime and undersea communication routes.

Of particular concern to Israel is the threat posed by Iran-aligned actors, such as Houthi fighters in nearby Yemen. Engaging with Somaliland provides strategic depth and the potential for an early warning system.

Iran has capacity to exert indirect influence through proxy forces that target maritime routes and regional security.

Attacks on shipping by Houthi missiles and drones launched from Yemen take place just a short distance from Somaliland.

Establishing a presence in Somaliland, or simply relying on it as a partner, would enhance Israel’s ability to monitor Houthi activities and counter threats to maritime traffic.

An increased presence also provides a counterweight to the growing influence of Saudi Arabia and Turkey through diplomatic, economic and – in Turkey’s case – military engagement across the region.

Israel and the UAE both view Somaliland as a relatively non-aligned actor capable of reducing Turkish and Saudi influence in the Horn of Africa.

For Israel, engaging with Somaliland is a calculated risk, based on the belief that the strategic benefits outweigh the diplomatic and political risks.

Ethiopia: the vital need for sea access

Ethiopia is another catalyst of Somaliland’s growing importance. Eritrea’s secession in 1993 made Ethiopia a landlocked country. At present it relies heavily on Djibouti for sea access.

The Red Sea region

The port of Berbera in Somaliland offers Ethiopia politically stable and geographically convenient access. This explains Ethiopia’s interest in signing a memorandum of understanding with the breakaway state in January 2024. Although the agreement has not been widely implemented, it has drawn international attention back to Hargeisa’s claims.

Ethiopia’s cautious approach has aimed at avoiding further regional tensions.

Domestic political factors also influence its tepid response. The country is dealing with several potentially secessionist insurgencies within its borders. There could be consequences for supporting a secessionist movement.

An additional factor is Ethiopia’s close political and economic relations with China and Turkey, which both strongly support Somali territorial integrity.

It is this combination of regional ambition and domestic constraint that explains Addis Ababa’s cautious response to Israel’s announcement.

The United States: balancing realism and norms

Washington officially continues to support Somalia’s territorial integrity, largely due to its counter-terrorism cooperation with the federal government in Mogadishu.

However, Israel’s recognition of Somaliland has reignited debate within US strategic and policy circles. Some favour Somaliland’s recognition. They point to US security interests and global trade.

There is growing openness to engaging with Somaliland incrementally, stopping short of fully breaking diplomatic ties with Mogadishu.

Much of the US debate focuses on recognition itself, but this risks missing the more consequential issue: the precedent Somaliland could set.

Not all that glitters is gold

The typical portrayal of Somalia as a failed state and Somaliland as a democratic oasis is simplistic.

Unlike many secessionist movements, Somaliland is not a newly formed political entity. Consequently, beneath its apparent internal cohesion lie deep and persistent fault lines. Hargeisa does not control all the territory it claims. The eastern regions have never entirely accepted Somaliland’s authority.

This cleavage came to a head in violent clashes in Las Anod between 2022 and 2023. Local militias took control of the area, which now functions as a self-administered entity recognised as a federal state within Somalia.

Somaliland’s growing strategic relevance masks its unresolved internal divisions. It illustrates a broader trend in geopolitics now: stability and utility increasingly matter more than legal status alone.

For external actors, engagement with Somaliland may offer short-term gains in a volatile region. But without addressing its internal fractures and contested sovereignty, recognition risks creating new sources of instability rather than resolving old ones.

Source: The Conversation

Somaliland president to make first official Israel visit

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Somaliland — a self-declared state recognized only by Israel — now seeks to deepen its ties with Jerusalem beyond diplomacy.

The president of Somaliland, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi, is expected to make his first official visit to Israel at the end of March, according to two sources familiar with the matter.

However, this will not be his first time in the country. The president previously made a discreet visit to Israel during earlier diplomatic contacts that led to Israel’s formal recognition of Somaliland in December 2025. Those quiet negotiations preceded the current warming of relations between the two sides.

Somaliland President Hosts Iftar with Awdal Elders and Community Leaders

By
Goth Mohamed
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0

Hargeisa – The President of the Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Irro), hosted an Iftar dinner for the elders and community leaders of the Awdal region.

The President was joined at the gathering by the Minister of Interior and National Security, the Minister of Transport and Road Development, and the Governor of Awdal Region.

The discussions centered on bolstering security, stability, and social cohesion, with a strong emphasis on fostering mutual understanding and peaceful coexistence among the sisterly communities residing in the Awdal and Salal regions.

President Cirro expressed his gratitude to the community leaders for their indispensable role in maintaining peace, resolving local conflicts, and strengthening national unity. He underscored that peace is the fundamental pillar of governance and societal progress, reiterating that safeguarding the unity and brotherhood of the Somali people, wherever they may be, is a national duty.

The meeting specifically focused on the critical need for synergy and cooperation between government institutions and traditional leadership to ensure comprehensive security in the Awdal and Salal regions. The goal, they affirmed, is to proactively counter any threats to stability and peaceful coexistence.

During the gathering, the President also provided the community leaders with an update on the state of the nation. He briefed them on the smooth functioning of government affairs, developmental progress across various sectors, and the diplomatic efforts being undertaken to advance the cause of Somaliland’s international recognition—efforts he noted are progressing well.

President Cirro reiterated that Somaliland remains firmly on the path of development and robust governance. He called upon all segments of society to unite in safeguarding peace and defending the nation, particularly in the face of increasing hostility from Somaliland’s adversaries. He emphasized that this collective effort is crucial to realizing the aspirations of the people.

The Iftar gathering between the President and the Awdal community leaders served as a powerful demonstration of national cohesion, unity, and solidarity, reinforcing the foundations for a stable and prosperous future for all citizens of the Republic of Somaliland

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