Hargeisa, Somaliland – The President of the Republic of Somaliland, H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Cirro), today welcomed the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the State of Israel, H.E. Gideon Sa’ar, and a senior delegation at the Presidential Palace in Hargeisa.
The President warmly thanked the State and people of Israel for their historic and courageous decision to formally recognize the Republic of Somaliland. He described the move as a landmark step with profound diplomatic, economic, and developmental implications for Somaliland, the Horn of Africa, and the broader international community.
“Today marks a great day for Somaliland,” stated President Cirro. “This recognition strengthens our nation’s role in promoting regional peace, stability, democracy, and freedom of expression. It elevates a strategic partnership built on our shared interests and mutual respect.”
The President highlighted that Israel’s recognition unlocks significant opportunities for cooperation in investment, trade, technology, energy, water resources, minerals, agriculture, and infrastructure development. He reaffirmed Somaliland’s readiness to engage in broad and deep collaboration with Israel.
In response, Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar expressed his government’s satisfaction in extending full recognition to Somaliland. He emphasized Israel’s commitment to building a close, multidimensional relationship that benefits both nations and their peoples.
Minister Sa’ar underscored that the recognition is rooted in the right to self-determination of the people of Somaliland and aligns with long-term security and stability interests in the Horn of Africa. He praised Somaliland’s functional democracy, internal peace, and contribution to regional stability.
The Foreign Minister stated clearly that Israel is determined to present Somaliland’s historical legitimacy and sovereignty to the world—a reality long overlooked. He framed the budding partnership as a model for how responsible states can jointly advance international security, sustainable development, and peaceful coexistence.
Minister Sa’ar noted that Israel had previously recognized Somaliland on June 26, 1960, and proudly reaffirms that recognition on December 26, 2025, with a pledge to stand together in the future.
This visit—the first by a sitting Israeli foreign minister to Somaliland in 34 years—marks a pivotal moment in bilateral relations. It follows Israel’s formal recognition of Somaliland late last year and inaugurates a new chapter of strategic engagement between the two nations.
In closing, President Cirro assured Minister Sa’ar that Somaliland is a steadfast and reliable partner, uniquely positioned to contribute to peace and security in the Horn of Africa and beyond.
Gideon Sa’ar expected to meet with the president of Somaliland to advance political and strategic cooperation following Israel’s recognition of its sovereignty, Somaliland diplomatic source confirms.
Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar arrived this morning in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, on the first official visit since Israel recognized Somaliland’s sovereignty, a Somaliland diplomatic source told i24NEWS.
During his visit, Sa’ar is expected to meet with Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi. The two are scheduled to hold a joint press conference at the presidential palace later today, the source added.
The diplomatic source said the visit aims to advance meaningful political and strategic cooperation between Israel and Somaliland. The Israeli Foreign Ministry has not issued any comment on the trip.
This visit marks the first high-level Israeli delegation to Somaliland since the recognition of its independence and signals an effort to strengthen bilateral relations. Details of the discussions and any agreements remain unconfirmed.
By recognizing Somaliland’s 1960 sovereignty, Israel exposes the African Union’s legal contradictions and its capture by narrow interests.
Historical Sovereignty, Not Secession
When Israel engaged with Somaliland, the African Union responded with predictable condemnation, invoking the principle of “border intangibility” as if a reckless secession were underway. The truth is the opposite: Somaliland isn’t breaking away from Somalia—it is reclaiming the sovereignty it briefly held in 1960, before a fragile union with Italian-administered Somalia collapsed in 1991. Recognition of that historical fact is not a diplomatic rebellion; it is an exercise in legal realism.
Somaliland’s case is unique. On June 26, 1960, the former British Somaliland Protectorate became fully independent and was recognized by 35 UN member states, including major global powers. It voluntarily joined Somalia five days later—a union that never fully functioned in law or practice. When the Somali state disintegrated decades later, Somaliland did not secede; it simply reverted to the borders it legally held before the union. The African Union itself acknowledged this in a 2005 fact-finding mission, describing Somaliland’s claim as “unique and self-justified.” That report, however, has been quietly shelved, ignored not because of flawed reasoning but because of a lack of political courage in Addis Ababa.
Israel’s recognition, whether formal or de facto, sidesteps the emotive and misleading “secession” frame entirely. By anchoring its position in Somaliland’s historical sovereignty, Israel is not violating African norms—it is aligning with them more faithfully than the AU itself has dared to do. And that alignment exposes a more uncomfortable truth: the African Union’s rigid stance is less about law and principle than about narrow commercial interests and the geopolitical anxieties of a single member state.
Ports Over Principle
If Somaliland’s legal case is so clear, why does the African Union continue to reject it? The answer is less about law than about docks. Djibouti, a tiny nation with outsized strategic influence, has long opposed recognition under the guise of “Somali unity.” The real concern is economic: over 90% of landlocked Ethiopia’s trade flows through Djibouti’s port, giving the country a lucrative monopoly. Meanwhile, Somaliland’s port of Berbera—modernized by UAE’s DP World with Ethiopia as a strategic partner—offers a credible alternative. Recognition of Somaliland would shift regional trade and power, undermining Djibouti’s dominance. The AU’s rigid stance, in other words, is not a principled defense of borders; it is a protective shield for commercial interests masquerading as continental doctrine.
Rewarding Failure, Punishing Success
This logic has created a perverse incentive on the continent. For more than three decades, Somaliland has built what most African states lack: a stable, functioning democracy with peaceful transfers of power, a competent security apparatus that contains extremism, and a society largely self-financed through taxation. Meanwhile, the internationally recognized Somali federal government, despite massive aid and international attention, struggles for authority beyond parts of Mogadishu. By sidelining Somaliland, the AU rewards chaos and punishes success—sending a troubling signal that effective self-governance can lead not to recognition but to isolation.
The result is a crisis of credibility. When the African Union clings to policies its own experts have discredited, dictated by narrow commercial interests, it loses the moral authority to set the rules of the game. External actors—from the UAE and Turkey to now Israel—fill the vacuum, forging partnerships that serve their strategic and economic goals rather than African interests. Israel’s engagement with Somaliland is not just a bilateral matter; it is a stark reminder that the AU’s failure to confront reality diminishes African agency and invites outside influence.
A Path Forward for African Agency
A credible African response would not be blanket rejection. It would involve principled, practical engagement. The AU could start by formally recognizing Somaliland as a distinct political entity, in line with its 2005 fact-finding report. Technical cooperation—on security, counter-piracy, and public health—could follow, acknowledging the realities on the ground. Ultimately, a structured, time-bound adjudication process should evaluate Somaliland’s claim based on law, history, and the will of its people. Such steps would restore African leadership and demonstrate that the continent can resolve disputes on its own terms, rather than allowing them to be settled by outsiders.
The choice for the African Union is stark: it can continue defending a legal fiction to protect a port monopoly and watch its influence erode, or it can separate commercial anxieties from constitutional law and confront Somaliland’s status with the honesty its own experts recommended nearly two decades ago. Israel’s approach is rooted in legal realism; Africa’s response, if it is to matter, must be rooted in institutional integrity. The world is watching to see whether the AU can still meet that standard—or whether it will remain a hostage to outdated principles and narrow interests while effective self-governance continues to flourish outside its recognition.
About the Author Mohamed Marshall Omer is a geopolitical analyst and former diplomat based in Addis Ababa. He specializes in the Horn of Africa security, governance, Red Sea geopolitics, and regional economic integration, drawing on his experience in diplomacy, entrepreneurship, and policy research.
Some countries, including China, Turkey and Saudi Arabia strongly criticized Israel’s decision, as did the African Union. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, the president of the Federal Republic of Somalia, called it “an existential threat” and cited his country’s “non-negotiable” sovereignty and territorial integrity.
By any rational measure this is a flimsy case. I previously made the case for Somaliland’s statehood, arguing that it had achieved “astonishing economic and political progress over the past 30 years.” It has a functioning if imperfect democracy, an executive, legislature and judiciary, armed forces, a central bank and its own currency: it is already an independent state in many practical terms.
The slavish invocation of Somalia’s interests ignores the context and has an inverted moral core: Somalia has been embroiled in civil war for decades, is the most corrupt country in the world with the exception of South Sudan, regularly carries out human rights abuses, has no popular direct elections and has proven powerless to prevent the Islamic terrorist group al-Shabaab from establishing an autonomous “Islamic Emirate of Somalia” in the south of the country.
Somalia has received tens of billions of dollars in humanitarian and development aid from the United Nations, the European Union, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the African Development Bank and, on a bilateral basis, from the U.S., Britain, Germany and others. These funds may well have prevented more severe humanitarian crises than Somalia has so far experienced, but it is hard to show any meaningful progress towards establishing stability, prosperity, democratic institutions or the rule of law.
By contrast, international support for Somaliland, because it is an unrecognized polity, has been much smaller; in 2024, it amounted to $221 million, from humanitarian organizations, the UN, the Somaliland Development Fund, the World Bank and Germany’s development agency.
The question is not whether Somalia and its weak federal government need or deserve international support. The stance of the international community, including the African Union, the EU and the Arab League, has defined this as a zero-sum game, by holding to the position that the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia must be paramount.
International law protects sovereignty and territorial integrity, and there is no right of secession from existing states. Article 2(4) of the United Nations Charter requires that member states refrain from “the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.” But that does not fit the existing geopolitical circumstances of Somaliland. Moreover, Article 1(2) promotes “respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples.” Currently, the “equal rights and self-determination” of Somalilanders is being treated as a dead letter.
In August, it seemed as if the U.S. might be changing its position. President Trump was asked if recognition was being considered. “We’re looking into that right now,” he told reporters. “We’re working on that right now — Somaliland.”
“Somaliland has built a cohesive, self-governing society with a common language, a shared history, and a vision rooted in stability and progress. It should no longer be tethered to the turmoil of Mogadishu.”
Cruz agreed: “Recognizing Somaliland isn’t charity — it’s strategy. It aligns with America’s security interests and the ‘America First’ doctrine by strengthening an ally that shares our values in a region vital to global trade and counterterrorism.”
They are correct. MAGA loyalists may doubt whether Somaliland “shares our values,” since its constitution declares “Islam is the religion of the Somaliland state, and the promotion of any religion…other than Islam, is prohibited,” and “the laws of the nation shall be grounded on… Islamic Sharia.” But it has shown commitment to democracy and economic freedom, and would be a steadfast ally in the region.
President Trump has denied that the U.S. will join Israel in recognizing Somaliland. But Trump can be flexible, to put it mildly, and the jury remains out.
The arguments against recognizing Somaliland are beginning to sound stale and ritualistic. They should now bear the burden of proof. Any logical or moral analysis would suggest that Somaliland wants to be independent, is capable of sustaining itself, would benefit from international recognition and is being unfairly held back for the interests of Somalia, a semi-failed and barely functioning state.
Netanyahu has made the first move. His motivation is irrelevant: it should prompt others to reexamine the issue. For countries like the United States and the United Kingdom (where there is a small but influential pro-Somaliland lobby), maintaining their existing policy resembles Einstein’s apocryphal dictum: “The definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result.”
Financial and diplomatic support has not made Somalia stable or prosperous, but a fraction of what has been expended could transform Somaliland. Recognition would be fair, just, effective and in almost everyone’s interests, so what is holding us back?
Eliot Wilson is a writer and historian, a Senior Fellow for National Security at the Coalition for Global Prosperity and contributing editor for Defence on the Brink.
In a moment charged with symbolism and optimism, Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar arrived in Hargeisa today for a landmark joint press conference with Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi Irro. This visit—the first by a high-ranking official from a UN member state since Israel became the world’s first country to formally recognize Somaliland’s independence on December 26, 2025—underscored the rapid transformation of bilateral relations into a full-fledged strategic partnership.
President Irro opened the event with a warm welcome, describing Sa’ar’s arrival as carrying “historic significance” and marking a pivotal step in turning political recognition into a “substantive, forward-looking, and strategic partnership.” He emphasized Somaliland’s commitment to cooperation in political, security, economic, and development domains, stressing that the relationship would be “practical, institutional, and results-oriented.” Irro assured full readiness to establish a Somaliland embassy in Israel and support a permanent Israeli diplomatic presence in Hargeisa, declaring today “a historical day we will put in our calendars.”
Foreign Minister Sa’ar echoed the sentiment, calling his visit to Hargeisa an “honor” and praising President Irro’s “visionary leadership” and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s decisive role. He highlighted the December 26 agreement on mutual recognition and full diplomatic relations, including the swift appointment of ambassadors and opening of embassies. Sa’ar spoke of building an “enduring and warm friendship” not just between governments but between the peoples of both nations.
Key areas of cooperation dominated the discussion:
Water and Agriculture: Israel pledged expertise in water management, a critical sector for Somaliland. A water expert has already surveyed resources, with plans for training Somaliland professionals in Israel and deploying Israeli experts on the ground.
Health and Education: Sa’ar noted that 49 Somaliland children have received life-saving heart surgeries in Israel in recent years, expressing eagerness to expand medical and educational ties.
Defense and Security: Both sides committed to a strategic partnership in defense.
Sa’ar also invoked shared history: Israel recognized Somaliland’s brief independence in 1960 and was the only nation to condemn the atrocities against its people at the UN during the 1980s civil war. Contrasting Somaliland with other entities, he declared it a “fully functioning country based on the principles of international law”—a stable democracy with peaceful power transitions, including the recent November 2024 elections. “Unlike ‘Palestine’, Somaliland is not a virtual state,” Sa’ar stated firmly, adding that Israel would not be swayed by criticism: “Nobody will determine for Israel who we recognize.”
He expressed hope that other nations would follow suit, citing a 2005 African Union report affirming Somaliland’s case for recognition, and welcomed Somaliland’s intention to join the Abraham Accords as a natural fit among democratic nations in challenging regions.
In a light-hearted closing exchange, President Irro accepted Prime Minister Netanyahu’s invitation for a state visit to Jerusalem, joking that a public announcement of Sa’ar’s visit might have drawn “more than two million people” to the streets. Sa’ar quipped about preparing security for the next time.
As the leaders concluded amid applause, the message was clear: This is not merely symbolic diplomacy but the start of tangible collaboration for stability, prosperity, and mutual growth. In a region often defined by conflict, the Somaliland-Israel partnership stands out as a bold beacon of possibility. God bless Somaliland. God bless Israel.
Please read the speeches below exactly as they were originally delivered:
Republic of Somaliland President HE Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi Irro’s speech;
It is with great pleasure and honor that I warmly welcome you to the Republic of Somaliland. Mr. Minister, your visit carries historic significance and marks an important milestone in the evolving relationship between the Republic of Somaliland and the State of Israel.
It reflects not only political recognition but also a shared commitment to transform that recognition into a substantive, forward-looking, and strategic partnership.
Somaliland values this partnership highly and approaches it with clarity of purpose and long-term vision. We are committed to building a strategic relationship with Israel that is mutually beneficial and grounded in cooperation across political, security, economic, and development domains. We see this partnership not as symbolic but as practical, institutional, and results-oriented—one that contributes to stability, prosperity, and shared interests.
Your presence here today instills confidence in the future of our relations.
It sends a strong message that Somaliland and Israel are ready to deepen engagement and move decisively toward the establishment of diplomatic infrastructure, including the opening of embassies.
From our side, I wish to assure you of our full readiness and political will to establish our embassy in Israel and to support a permanent and effective Israeli diplomatic presence in Somaliland.
Israel Foreign Minister’s speech;
It’s an honor to be in Hargeisa on this historic visit.
Thank you, Mr. President, for your personal invitation and gracious hospitality.
Over the past year, relations between Israel and Somaliland have taken shape.
I want to thank you for your close partnership and visionary leadership.
I also want to praise Prime Minister Netanyahu for his decision and leadership.
Mr. President, it is a historic journey. I held meetings with you and your team. We had an ongoing and extensive dialogue for many months.
The relations that we build are based on trust and mutual respect. Eventually, on December 26, Israel and Somaliland signed a historic agreement on mutual recognition and the establishment of full diplomatic relations.
We agreed on the mutual appointment of ambassadors and the opening of embassies. We will get that done soon.
We agreed to work together to promote relations between our countries for the sake of mutual prosperity.
We want to build an enduring and warm friendship not only between governments but also between the people of Somaliland and the people of Israel.
Since December 26, we’ve seen authentic joy on display in Somaliland and also in Israel. We are truly moved to play a part in Somaliland’s bold journey from independence to recognition.
Following my instructions, the foreign ministry is working hard to build our ties across a wide range of fields: economy, agriculture, and much more. We recognize that water supply is a key sector for Somaliland. Therefore, we’re glad to provide our assistance and expertise on this matter.
A water expert was already in Somaliland. He conducted a survey on the natural resources and means of delivery. In the coming months, we’ll bring local professionals from Somaliland’s water sector to Israel for training.
We’ll also send Israeli experts here to help implement the new capabilities. In recent years, 49 children from Somaliland have undergone life-saving heart surgery in Israel. We are eager to help in medicine too and also in education. We will also cooperate on defense and develop a strategic partnership.
Somaliland first gained its independence in 1960 from British colonial rule. Israel was then among the 35 countries to recognize an independent Somaliland. Later it united with Somalia under Italian rule to form a single federal state. But in the 80s, as we know, this teritory underwent a brutal civil war.
Israel was the only nation to condemn at the United Nations the horrific mass murder of 200,000 of your people. Then we stood by you as we stand by you today.
In 1991, following these atrocities, Somaliland decided to restore its independence. Unlike “Palestine”, Somaliland is not a virtual state. It’s a functioning state. Somaliland is a fully functioning country based on the principles of international law. Somaliland is and has been a stable democracy for nearly 35 years. It has democratic elections, most recently in November 2024, and peaceful transitions of power. It’s pro-Western and friendly to Israel.
Mr. President, Israel is truly honored to be the first UN member state to recognize the Republic of Somaliland as an independent and sovereign state. This is the moral thing to do and this is what we did. We hear the attacks, the criticism, the condemnations.
Nobody will determine for Israel who we recognize and who we maintain diplomatic relations with. I want to remind that the 2005 African Union fact-finding mission stated that Somaliland’s search for recognition is self-justified. It listed Somaliland’s constitution-defined borders and democratic character. We recognize the simple truth and the existing reality. We hope to see other nations soon follow suit and independent Somaliland rightfully deserves its place among the nations.
I welcome Somaliland’s intention to join the Abraham Accords. This is a natural connection between democratic countries both in challenging regions.
Mr. President, in our meeting, I restated Prime Minister Netanyahu’s invitation for you to come on a state visit to Israel. We hope to welcome you to Jerusalem very soon.
In the words of Somaliland’s national anthem, may your nation live in eternal peace. May these historic days and moments be the beginning of a close friendship between our nations for many years to come.
God bless Somaliland. God bless Israel.
President Irro-Thank you, Mr. Foreign Minister. I thank you very much. I declare that I have accepted the invitation of the Prime Minister. And the letter will come through the diplomatic channels also. I’m glad to say, I’m proud to say, I’m not shy of saying it, that we will open our embassy in Israel. We thank again the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister for signing the declaration and today, as I said, is a different day, is a historical day we will put in our calendars.
for you, Mr. Minister, as the first minister from a member of the United Nations who came here to Hargeisa. for the first time, and so Somaliland is a recognized country.
I’m sure that if we made it public, your coming to Hargeisa openly, you would have met more than two million people and they would be here, but maybe the next time we will do that.
Minister Gideon-I tell the security this is what will happen next time. So you should get prepared for that. Thank you.
CONFERENCE COMMUNIQUÉ
Conference on Somaliland
Columbus, Ohio | 2–3 January 2026
Preamble
The Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG) convened a conference in
Columbus, Ohio, from 2 to 3 January 2026, bringing together representatives of the
Somaliland diaspora, policy experts, and civil society leaders to assess Somaliland’s
national journey, its rightful place in the international system, and the
responsibilities of regional and global actors in advancing peace, stability, and
justice in the Horn of Africa.
The conference:
Recognizes the extraordinary resilience, perseverance, and sacrifices of the
people of Somaliland, who for more than thirty-five (35) years have endured
political exclusion, economic isolation, and security challenges, while successfully
building peace, democratic governance, and functioning state institutions through
their collective will and resources.
Reaffirms the inalienable and non-negotiable right of the people of Somaliland to self-determination, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and principles of international law, and affirms that Somaliland’s re-assertion of independence represents the legitimate and lawful expression of the will of its people.
Congratulates the Government of the Republic of Somaliland for its steadfast
commitment to peace, security, democratic governance, and responsible diplomacy,
and commends its efforts to secure Somaliland’s first diplomatic recognition by a sovereign state, marking a historic milestone after decades of unjust exclusion from the international system.
Commends the State of Israel for its historic, bold, and principled decision to
recognize the Republic of Somaliland, thereby ending thirty-five years of political
marginalization of the Somaliland people and setting an important precedent
grounded in realism, justice, and respect for democratic statehood.
Calls upon the Federal Government of Somalia and the Republic of Djibouti to
immediately cease all forms of political, diplomatic, economic, and security
aggression against the people and institutions of Somaliland, and to respect
Somaliland’s peace, stability, and right to determine its own future without
intimidation, coercion, or interference.
Strongly condemns statements and actions by the President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, that constitute incitement and war-mongering rhetoric, including explicit calls that risk emboldening terrorist organizations to attack Somaliland; affirms that the people of Somaliland did not elect him, do not recognize his authority, and do not recognize the Federal Government of Somalia; and underscores that such conduct undermines regional peace and security and is inconsistent with international obligations requiring political leaders to refrain from incitement to violence and the encouragement of terrorism.
Recalls that Somaliland re-asserted its independence in 1991 as a direct
consequence of systematic atrocities, mass violence, and acts amounting to genocide committed by the former Somali state against the people of Somaliland, crimes that remain unresolved and which permanently nullified the moral and political basis for union.
Urges all peace-loving nations, regional organizations, and international partners
to follow the precedent set by Israel by engaging Somaliland directly and extending diplomatic recognition based on Somaliland’s demonstrated record of peace, democratic governance, effective territorial control, and responsible statehood. calls that Somaliland re-asserted its independence in 1991 as a direct consequence of systematic atrocities, mass violence, and acts amounting to genocide committed by the former Somali state against the people of Somaliland, crimes that remain unresolved and which permanently nullified the moral and political basis for union.
9.Calls upon all Somalilanders, at home and throughout the diaspora, to unite
across political, and regional lines and to fully support the Government of
Somaliland’s efforts to secure the Republic’s rightful place within the community of nations through lawful, peaceful, and strategic engagement.
Agrees to establish a Conference Committee mandated to identify, assess, and pursue lawful and legally grounded avenues to challenge and counter the e-visa regime imposed by Somalia on Somaliland travelers, including through the
examination of applicable international law, human rights norms, and available
judicial or administrative remedies.
Conclusion
The Conference affirms that Somaliland is not a problem to be managed, but a
solution to be embraced for regional stability, counterterrorism, democratic
governance, and economic cooperation in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region.
Issued by:
The Somali Future Council has issued a renewed call for President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to bring all political stakeholders together within one month to establish a clear electoral framework. In a statement released Monday, the council warned that further delays could precipitate a constitutional and security crisis.
The appeal followed a meeting of the council’s Technical Committee in Garowe, where members cautioned that a failure to reach consensus threatens to create a dangerous political vacuum, undermining stability and potentially empowering militant groups.
The statement further indicated that should the president not engage in dialogue, political actors may need to pursue alternative measures to ensure timely elections and avert what the council termed “constitutional paralysis” and a resurgence of insecurity.
Discussions in Garowe centered on formulating a negotiation roadmap for Somalia’s elections, based on resolutions from the prior Kismayo Conference, which had stressed the need for dialogue and consensus among leaders.
President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, whose term concludes in under six months, has consistently advocated for a transition to a direct, one-person, one-vote electoral system, rejecting a return to the indirect model of past cycles. The administration maintains that direct elections are crucial for democratic legitimacy and sustained state-building.
Opposition figures counter that the prerequisites for a secure and logistically sound nationwide direct vote are not yet met. They argue that proceeding without a broad agreement could intensify political fractures and that a consensus-based approach remains the only feasible option under current circumstances.
While expressing a willingness to collaborate with the president on an improved electoral process, the opposition has emphasized the urgent necessity of substantive negotiations.
Somalia has a history of election-related crises over the past decade, where postponements and disagreements have frequently led to political deadlock and heightened security risks. Analysts caution that without compromise, the nation risks repeating cycles of instability amid ongoing challenges from insurgency and economic pressures.
The Future Council affirmed that inclusive national consultation is the sole viable path to prevent confrontation and guarantee a credible transition, urging leaders to prioritize national unity and stability over unilateral action.
The growing tension between Somaliland and Djibouti has reached a critical juncture, marked by Djibouti’s unexpected and assertive political and military alignment with Mogadishu. This move has not only strained bilateral relations but has also culminated in the unprecedented recall of ambassadors from each other’s capitals. Such developments underscore the fragility of regional diplomacy in the Horn of Africa, where Djibouti’s stance risks undermining its own stability while directly challenging Somaliland’s long-standing pursuit of sovereignty.
Djibuti’s relations with Somaliland is currently strained due to its close ties to the Somali government, which is affecting the country’s regional stability. Historical and political loyalties are the origins of this situation in the Horn of Africa region, where it is challenging to define what constitutes a country. While Djibouti supports Somalia in the hope of preserving a semblance of regional unity, the move overlooks Somaliland’s clearly stated independence goals. As Somaliland’s assertion of independence grows, Djibouti’s policies could trigger large-scale adjustments in the region, which could threaten Djibouti’s position.
The roots of Somaliland’s bid for independence lie in the post-colonial divisions of the country, which continued after independence; Somalia was in a constant state of turmoil. Somaliland, which made its unilateral declaration of independence in 1991, has ever since been striving to become a well-organised and internationally recognised country. The country aims to be distinct from the long term instability and continuous conflict that Somalia has been having with its government. The Djiboutian government’s backing for the Somali people is creating a situation where the idea of reclaiming land that is currently occupied by another country is looked upon favourably. This could lead to Djibouti having a territorial dispute with a foreign country.
In the region, Djibouti and Somalia have a relationship that is made complicated by Kenya and Ethiopia, whose own interests in Somalia are being pursued. These powers give their own nation’s interests precedence over regional stability and could cause more conflict as a result, according to Abdi. The Djiboutian government is reportedly providing support to the Somali administration in order to consolidate its own national security against Somaliland. Djibouti’s Somali backing could however have serious repercussions. By emulating a failed state Djibouti could actually undermine its own governance and security framework.
Djibouti’s position, as examined in Ifesa’s research, reveals the implications behind the country’s actions in maritime territorial issues. It’s not just a matter of diplomatic relations, but also one of threats to food supply and economic stability. In a comparative study, the different governance models have been compared in Somaliland, a functioning de facto state and Somalia, a failed state. The country’s efforts to maintain stability by aiding Somalia carries the danger of adding to its own problems, due to the fact that it is increasingly tied to Somalia’s long-standing internal strife.
Furthermore, the political-geographical aspects addressed by Brazhalovich et al. highlight the complexities of statehood in the Horn of Africa. Djibouti’s navigational options have implications beyond its borders. This is particularly true given that Somalia’s federalism remains in question in the post-conflict state. The unstable nature of the government in Somalia could have repercussions for Djibouti. This is partly due to the two countries sharing a bond through family and culture with Somaliland.
In effect Djibouti’s support of the faction controlling Somalia poses problems for regional security beyond that nation and also creates its own domestic security problems. In Somaliland, the drive for its right to independence holds considerable consequences for the Republic of Djibouti. Unless it adjusts its foreign policy, China may find itself increasingly isolated which in turn would affect its international influence. In the Horn of Africa Djibouti has to carefully balance itself in the face of the shifts happening due to Somaliland’s moves.
Reference
Ifesa, Tinnie A.A Critical Analysis of the Impacts of the Maritime Territorial Disputes on Bilateral Relations of States: the Case of Kenya and Somalia (2009-2021). Diss. University of Nairobi, 2023.
Cobbett, Elizabeth, and Ra Mason. Djiboutian sovereignty: Worlding global security networks. International Affairs 97.6 (2021): 1767-1784.
Brazhalovich, F. L., M. I. Klyuchnikov, and A. I. Lukyanov. The political-geographical aspects of problematic statehood (exemplified by Somalia). Geography and natural resources 37.3 (2016): 264-270.
Abdi, Yussuf A. Regional powers and conflict management: an analysis of Kenya and Ethiopia’s interest in Somalia. Diss. University of Nairobi, 2017.
Omar, Mohamed Ali. Somali Irredentism: An analysis of its causes and its impact on political stability in Somalia from 1960-1991. (2021).
Burton, Meredith. Food Security in de facto states versus failed states: a comparative case study of Somalia and Somaliland. (2025).
Dahir, Abdinor, and Ali Yassin Sheikh Ali.Federalism in post-conflict Somalia: A critical review of its reception and governance challenges. Regional & Federal Studies 34.1 (2024): 87-106.
The country suffered a 30-year boycott for the sin of separating itself from a state defined by genocidal violence and starvation – Israel righted a historic wrong.
There is probably no better example in modern history of a failed state than the conditions that prevailed in Somalia on May 26th, 1991, the day Somaliland declared its independence. The utter refusal of the international community to acknowledge Somaliland’s independence over the past three and a half decades, and the outrage at Israel’s recent recognition of Somaliland, is thus not only ethically abhorrent, it is also absurd.
When Somaliland declared independence, Somalia literally did not exist: there was no central government and the territory had devolved into violent shambles. Somalia’s state of non-existence was protracted: it remained without a central government for at least another decade and a half.
When I arrived in Mogadishu in 1993, a year and a half after Somaliland declared independence, Somalia was in a state of anarchy that would continue for at least another decade. The capital city, Mogadishu, had been cut in half by opposing warlords, and then each half chopped into a hundred separate pieces. Fifteen-year-old boys from various clans and subclans twirled submachine guns as they patrolled their square block or two. Wherever you were, a constant rat-a-tat-tat could be heard in the near or middle distance.
There was no police, no electricity, phone or water systems, no post office or public transportation, no public schools or health system, no taxes, no authority at all. There wasn’t even someone to take your passport when your UN or Red Cross flight landed; just another sub-clan that controlled the airport, and wanted $20 in cash to let you step off the plane. Seemingly random groups of armed men careened through the city riding “technical cars” or Mad Maxes, as foreign journalists called them – pickup trucks mounted with machine guns or anti-aircraft missile launchers with four or five armed warriors aboard. I was nearly killed by one of them for taking a photograph.
The army of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, which had been chased southwards across Somalia a year and a half earlier, had ravaged Somalia’s farming area as they passed through, stealing the seeds and the oxen and stopping up the wells that irrigated the land. As a result, hundreds of thousands of Somalians were dying of famine: The food the Red Cross attempted to bring in as relief was often immediately stolen by armed groups – I was at the port one day, terrified, when I witnessed what looked like an almost ritual theft of food meant to ward off starvation. Fields of earthen mounds – what passed for graves – many of them, heartbreakingly, the size of small children, filled some of Mogadishu’s open spaces.
An island of stability
This was the horrifying state of affairs in Somalia in 1991, when Somaliland dissolved the union they had voluntarily entered in 1960, after 76 years of separate, British colonial reign. Somaliland then proceeded to govern their territory peacefully and democratically for the next three decades, holding regular elections whose results were honored by peaceful handovers of power, using their own currency, army and judicial system. Meanwhile, the entity from which they escaped took years to begin to recover – and still has not completely – from violent and murderous anarchy.
But there is more. Barre had ruled Somalia for 20 years. What finally brought his government down was the genocidal war he waged against other Somali clans. Estimates of the number of his victims, the great majority civilians, range in the hundreds of thousands. One of his chief targets was the Isaaq clan, whose ancestral homeland is the Somaliland region, and who make up the majority of Somaliland’s population today.
Even though Somaliland agreed to unite with Italian Somalia after decolonization, it was no surprise that they reasserted their separate identity after they were brutally massacred by their erstwhile partners, especially as, in the aftermath of the massacres, they watched the rest of Somalia descend into unholy chaos.
Somalis queue in Hargeisa, Somaliland, to cast their vote for presidential elections, Saturday, June 26, 2010. (AP Photo/Barkhad Kaariye)
One might think that Somaliland deserves honor and appreciation from the International community for creating and sustaining an island of stability next door to a nation plagued by violence and instability. Instead, Somaliland was boycotted and isolated for thirty years – for what? For the sin of separating themselves from a state that had imploded inwards, a state defined by violence and starvation, with none of the features of sovereign statehood remained.
Israel’s recognition of Somaliland is the beginning of the righting of a historic wrong. The EU, England, Russia, Turkey, Qatar and China’s condemnation of Israel for recognizing Somaliland sets new standards of diplomatic hypocrisy. The UN’s emergency convening of the Security Council in order to respond to Israel’s diplomatic recognition of a state that the entire world should have recognized thirty years ago, while staying silent as Iran attempts to crush yet another civilian uprising, demonstrates once again its irrelevance and lack of judgment.
The scenes we’ve witnessed in recent days of an Islamic population, women in hijabs, men with hennaed beards and prayer caps, jubilantly celebrating their country’s ties to Israel, are a symbol of hope in a rapidly changing world.
Hargeisa – The Minister of Justice of the Republic of Somaliland, Yonis Ahmed Yonis, has issued a new directive aimed at enhancing the rigor and security of contract drafting by notaries nationwide.
Dated January 4, 2026, the directive mandates that all officially operating notaries in Somaliland strictly verify the identities of all parties to contracts, particularly those concerning property rentals, vehicles, and other assets.
Key requirements outlined in the directive include:
· Verification using the National Identity Card of the Republic of Somaliland;
· The presence of a responsible guarantor for the contracting parties;
· Photographs of both parties;
· Thumbprint signatures (fingerprints).
This measure is grounded in the National Notaries Law (Law No. 18 of 2001), specifically Article 9, which outlines notary responsibilities. It underscores the critical role notaries play in safeguarding legal agreements, thereby contributing to national development, security, and social order.
The Director of the Notaries Department has been tasked with overseeing the implementation, monitoring, and enforcement of the directive to ensure full compliance.
Minister Yonis stated that the new rules are designed to ensure the full identification and verification of contracting parties, thereby promoting transparency and preventing disputes in legal transactions.
Micha Odenheimer is a journalist,