The African Development Bank (AfDB) Group has approved 76.37 million U.S. dollars in additional financing to support ongoing road infrastructure development in Somalia.
The funding for the Road Infrastructure Program in Somalia is part of the broader Horn of Africa corridor project, which seeks to strengthen links between Somalia, Ethiopia, and Djibouti and enhance the region’s capacity for trade and integration.
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“The program is designed to stimulate cross-border trade, strengthen regional integration, and reduce fragility within the region,” the AfDB said in a statement issued on Thursday.
“The new funding package comprises 49.16 million dollars from the African Development Fund, the AfDB’s concessional lending window, and 27.21 million dollars from the Transition Support Facility, which provides financing and support to African countries experiencing fragility and conflict.
The program will facilitate cross-border trade, strengthen support for small traders, and enhance institutional capacities in customs and trade management.
“Key interventions include establishing a simplified trade regime between Somalia and Ethiopia for small-scale operators and expanding Somalia’s automated customs system to streamline and modernize customs procedures,” the lender said.
Mike Salawou, the bank group’s director of infrastructure and urban development, said the request for additional financing stems from an expansion of the project’s initial scope.
“The program has evolved from minimal interventions to full road upgrades, enabled by improved designs and the integration of new components, including bridges, additional road sections, and trade facilitation measures, as well as social infrastructure to maximize benefits for the local community,” Salawou said.
Hargeisa – In a notable diplomatic overture, Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi Irro received a high-level French delegation led by Mr. Romain Joly, Deputy Ambassador of France to Kenya, at the Presidential Palace in Hargeisa. This visit, the largest official French delegation to Somaliland to date, is widely seen as a significant step toward strengthening bilateral ties.
The delegation, which included prominent international archaeologist Dr. Xavier Gutherz, held comprehensive discussions on enhancing cooperation across multiple sectors, including diplomacy, trade, investment, tourism, and cultural exchange.
President Irro welcomed the delegation and reiterated Somaliland’s commitment to building substantive partnerships. He pointed to the region’s sustained peace, political stability, and democratic governance as foundational strengths for collaboration.
A key focus of the meeting was the French-funded “Protection and Promotion of Somaliland’s Cultural and Archaeological Heritage” project. President Irro gave his full endorsement to the initiative, which prioritizes the conservation of premier historical sites such as the ancient Laas Geel cave paintings. In acknowledgment of his dedicated work, Dr. Gutherz was presented with an Honorary Certificate by the President.
President Irro further detailed the broad opportunities for engagement in Somaliland, encouraging expanded French collaboration in trade, investment, and education.
On behalf of France, Mr. Joly thanked Somaliland for its hospitality and affirmed France’s interest in deepening relations. He commended Somaliland’s contribution to peace and stability in the Horn of Africa.
The talks ended with a shared resolve to foster sustainable and mutually beneficial cooperation. This development occurs within the wider context of Somaliland’s quest for international recognition, and the visit has prompted mixed reactions online—from optimism regarding economic potential to scrutiny of its diplomatic implications.
As Somaliland continues to advance its engagement with the international community, this meeting may mark a pivotal moment in cultivating stronger French ties, particularly in the realms of cultural preservation and regional stability.
Hargeisa – The Republic of Somaliland and the Government of France have officially launched the commencement of the ‘Somaliland Heritage Conservation and Development’ project.
During a ceremony held in Hargeisa, the Minister of Trade and Tourism, Mr. Abdirahman Hassan Nur, and the Deputy Ambassador of France based in Nairobi, Mr. Romain JOLY, announced the implementation of this extensive initiative, which is backed by funding of two million US dollars. Key focus areas of the project will include creating financial opportunities, particularly through tourism, to generate sustainable revenue for the development and maintenance of heritage sites; enhancing the capacity and expertise of institutions tasked with managing culture and heritage; and preserving historical locations, most notably the Laas Geel cave paintings.
France is providing these funds through the French Development Agency (AFD), and the project will be jointly implemented by Expertise France and Somaliland’s Ministry of Trade and Tourism.
The ceremony was also attended by the Presidential Strategic Advisor of the Republic of Somaliland, Mr. Kamal Marjan, and the largest single delegation of permanent French government officials ever to visit Somaliland. Attendees included the AFD Director for East Africa, Ms. Aïssatou Kumagangue; the French Business Representative to Somaliland, Mr. Mohamed Sahardiid; Professor Xavier Gutherz, the pioneering researcher who first introduced the Laas Geel cave paintings to the world in 2002; and numerous other officials from the fields of development, heritage, tourism, and archaeology.
Somaliland is home to numerous sites of profound hidden heritage and ancient history that are of global significance. These include artifacts and traces of human activity tens of thousands of years old, as well as historical towns.
Since 2002, the French government has supported the Republic of Somaliland with programs for UNESCO World Heritage education related to the ancient heritage passed down by the people who inhabited this land millennia ago.
The Deputy Ambassador expressed his gratitude for the warm welcome and the strong cooperation the project has received from the Government of the Republic of Somaliland. Minister Abdirahman Hassan Nur, in turn, extended special thanks to the French government. He expressed hope that this project would serve as a cornerstone for a lasting partnership between the two nations, enabling Somaliland to benefit from France’s expertise in managing and developing cultural heritage and ancient artifacts, and from efforts to promote global awareness that can generate economic opportunities.
Last month, a senior U.S. military and diplomatic delegation visited Somaliland for high-level security discussions and an inspection of key strategic infrastructure along the Red Sea corridor. Somaliland President Dr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Irro) hosted the delegation at the Presidential Palace in Hargeisa, where he met with United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) Commander Gen. Dagvin R. M. Anderson, U.S. Deputy Ambassador Justin Davis, and accompanying officials for an extensive strategic dialogue.
The visit underscored something Washington already knows but has been reluctant to articulate openly: the U.S. military recognizes Somaliland’s strategic and governance value. The AFRICOM delegation’s meetings with Somaliland leaders reaffirmed that Hargeisa sits on one of the most strategic geographic corridors in Africa—overlooking the Red Sea and the Babel-Mandeb strait—at a time when global powers are intensifying competition for influence. This engagement is a functional reality, advanced by high-level figures like U.S. Ambassador Richard Riley and former AFRICOM Commander General Michael Langley. Yet security recognition is only the surface. Beneath it lies a deeper truth the U.S. has consistently failed to leverage: Somaliland is one of Africa’s few functioning liberal democracies, a governance model that has consistently outperformed the region for more than 30 years.
Somaliland’s blueprint for stability, strategic relevance
The stability of Somaliland is not a historical accident; it is the deliberate result of decades of institutional maturity. The people of Somaliland have built a democratic system rooted in peaceful transitions, multi-party competition, and regular elections monitored by international observers. This success is underpinned by a robust civil society and the unique integration of traditional clan elders (the Guurti) with modern constitutional governance, ensuring political crises are resolved through dialogue, not violence. Outlets such as Addis Standard consistently highlight its democratic resilience even in moments of political tension.
This democratic orientation sets Somaliland apart at a moment when authoritarian influence is expanding across much of Africa. China has deepened its regional military and commercial footprints, most notably in nearby Djibouti. Russia and Middle Eastern actors have similarly increased their presence. In this shifting landscape, Somaliland stands almost alone as a self-made democracy seeking deeper cooperation with Western institutions. Its constitution, its party system, and its civic norms reflect a society that consciously identifies with the United States and democratic Europe, a cultural and political affinity that is an invaluable asset.
Washington’s hesitation contrasts sharply with the pragmatic posture of other global actors. The UAE, through DP World, recognized the strategic necessity and economic potential of Somaliland years ago. It embarked on a major expansion of Berbera Port—transforming it into a rapidly ascending commercial and strategic hub.
Berbera is central to U.S. strategic thinking because it provides a critically needed logistical alternative to the congested and politically complex U.S. base in Djibouti. This is a direct response to China’s first overseas military base, located in Djibouti, less than 200 miles away. Somaliland offers the U.S. an opportunity to secure a vital footprint outside of Beijing’s political or military orbit, ensuring logistical resilience and monitoring capabilities for the volatile Bab el-Mandeb strait, through which between 12% and 20% of global trade passes. Ethiopia’s vital interest in the Berbera corridor continues to further underscore the port’s indispensable role in regional connectivity.
Mogadishu’s malice, Washington’s mandate
The diplomatic backdrop to AFRICOM’s engagement is not merely passive disagreement but active economic sabotage orchestrated by the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). In a clear policy escalation, Mogadishu has shifted from diplomatic protest to targeted economic warfare against Somaliland.
The Somaliland government has vehemently denounced these latest acts, which constitute a deliberate economic proxy war aimed at undermining its stability and lawful governance. This aggression has been executed through a coordinated diplomatic offensive targeting the very pillars of Somaliland’s economic independence: its airspace and its primary port. Specifically, the Somalia government dispatched delegations to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) in Montreal to challenge Somaliland’s administration of its sovereign airspace and to marine insurers in London with the malicious goal of illegally sabotaging the operations and legitimacy of Berbera Port.
These maneuvers are not acts of a government seeking reconciliation or cooperation; they are the desperate attempts of a regime intent on undermining the stability and economic viability of its neighbor. Somaliland correctly denounces these brazen violations of its territorial integrity and economic rights, calling upon the international community and relevant maritime authorities to reject these malicious attempts at interference. This FGS campaign highlights the instability that the U.S. must contend with and underscores why U.S. security partnerships must be independent of Mogadishu’s obstructive political priorities.
The United States Congress has not been silent. American policymakers clearly understand Somaliland’s importance, reflected in legislation accessible on Congress.gov. The Somaliland Partnership Act, which was incorporated into the NDAA for Fiscal Year 2023, explicitly mandated the Department of Defense and State Department to conduct feasibility studies on enhanced security cooperation.
Crucially, this legislation requires U.S. policy to treat cooperation with Hargeisa as “separate and distinct” from engagements with the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS). This legislative firewall is the mechanism that allows AFRICOM to advance cooperation by largely bypassing Mogadishu’s political veto, demonstrating that U.S. strategic interests are dictating a policy that outpaces its diplomatic formalities.
The contrast with Somalia is stark. Independent outlets consistently highlight the political volatility in Mogadishu, where the FGS has been unable to secure much of its own territory without heavy reliance on foreign support. While Washington continues to invest heavily in Somalia for reasons of counterterrorism, it has failed to capitalize on Somaliland’s stability, despite its proven reliability as a security partner.
Why Somaliland cannot be ignored any longer
Somaliland’s track record speaks for itself. It has kept its territory free from extremist control for more than three decades. It maintains one of the most capable intelligence and counterterrorism structures in the region. It secures a coastline that stretches along some of the world’s most important shipping lanes.
Yet Somaliland has not been asking for charity, nor demanding recognition from Washington. Instead, it has made a simple, strategic case: if the U.S. is serious about stabilizing the Red Sea corridor, countering extremism, and ensuring the free flow of commerce, Somaliland is an irreplaceable partner.
The recent AFRICOM visit confirms the U.S. military understands this reality. But military recognition without political follow-through leaves U.S. strategy both incomplete and unbalanced. The people and government of Somaliland have repeatedly expressed a desire for deeper ties with the United States, viewing America as their natural ally.
If the U.S. continues to overlook this natural alignment, it will be more than a diplomatic miscalculation; it will be a strategic failure. Somaliland has already demonstrated its openness to alternative partnerships when traditional allies hesitate. The region is increasingly competitive, and partners who hesitate risk losing influence permanently.
For the United States, this is not simply about recognizing Somaliland’s aspirations; it is about aligning American interests with the realities already shaping the Horn of Africa. Washington cannot continue to rely on outdated assumptions that treat Somaliland as a peripheral issue in Somalia policy. Somaliland is not peripheral. It is central.
Somaliland is a democratic outpost in a strategically vital region. It is a partner that shares American values and has demonstrated its reliability through three decades of self-governance. The moment demands clarity, courage, and strategic vision. Somaliland has already taken the first steps. America must decide whether it is willing to meet them halfway. AS
Editor’s Note: Adam Daud Ahmed is a political and security analyst specializing in the Horn of Africa. His expertise encompasses geopolitics, counter-terrorism, and democratization across the East African region. He can be reached at keysar28@gmail.com
On the evening marking the close of the global 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence and the commemoration of International Human Rights Day, the Ministry of Employment, Social Affairs and Family of Somaliland awarded the SIHA Network in recognition of its long-standing work in Somaliland and across the Horn of Africa.
The ceremony, held last night in Hargeisa, brought together government officials, civil society representatives, activists, development partners and members of women-led organizations. As the event approached its conclusion, the Ministry announced a special recognition for SIHA Network an acknowledgment of the organisation’s commitment to advancing women’s rights, defending survivors of violence, and strengthening grassroots feminist movements in the region. Muna Osman, SIHA’s Somaliland Administrative Coordinator, received the award on behalf of the Country Director, expressing gratitude for the recognition and reaffirming SIHA’s dedication to women and girls across Somaliland and beyond.
For decades, SIHA Network has stood as one of the most active and trusted women-rights organisations in Somaliland. Known for its firm work as a Women Human Rights Defenders (WHRD) network, SIHA has consistently championed the elimination of violence against women and girls, even in the most challenging environments.
The award recognizes several important areas of SIHA’s work. First, SIHA Network has long been a leading voice in defending women’s rights and fighting gender-based violence in Somaliland and across the Horn of Africa. The organisation works closely with survivors, advocates for their protection, and pushes for stronger systems to prevent abuse. Through trainings, legal support, public campaigns, and deep community engagement, SIHA has become one of the most reliable institutions supporting survivors and mobilising society against harmful practices. Its active participation in the annual 16 Days of Activism further reflects its commitment to both regional and global feminist advocacy.
Another key area of SIHA’s impact is its support for grassroots women and marginalized communities. SIHA invests heavily in local women’s groups, informal associations, women’s cooperatives, IDPs, and minority communities. Many of these groups operate with limited visibility or resources, yet they play a vigorous role in community protection and women’s empowerment. SIHA strengthens them by providing leadership training, small grants for local initiatives, mentorship for emerging women leaders, and platforms that amplify their voices at national and regional levels. Through this consistent support, SIHA has helped build a strong and diverse women’s movement in Somaliland—one that continues to grow and influence policy and public opinion.
It was also highlighted SIHA’s expertise in research, knowledge production, and evidence-based advocacy. SIHA is widely known for producing credible reports and documentation that reveal the lived realities of women and girls, especially those from marginalized groups. This body of research informs advocacy strategies, guides policymakers, and supports humanitarian and development partners in making informed decisions. Because of its dedication to accurate, grounded research, SIHA’s publications and testimonies are regularly referenced by governments, UN agencies, regional bodies, and global human-rights institutions.
SIHA has also played a crucial role in expanding access to justice for women and girls, an area that remains a major challenge in the region. The organisation has supported networks of women lawyers, offered legal assistance to survivors, and advocated for fair trials and strong protection mechanisms. It has documented cases of violations and consistently pushed for accountability at national, regional, and international levels. Through these sustained efforts, SIHA has become a powerful voice for justice reform and for the protection of those who speak out against abuse.
The Ministry of Employment, Social Affairs and Family praised SIHA Network not only for its achievements but also for its reputation as a dependable and collaborative partner. Over the years, SIHA has worked closely with government ministries, local councils, civil society groups, development partners, and grassroots community networks. Officials noted that this broad cooperation has helped strengthen national systems that protect women and children, advance gender equality, and support women’s economic and social empowerment.
Government representatives stressed that SIHA’s influence is rooted in its long-term commitment. Rather than focusing on short-term projects, SIHA prioritizes sustainable change—building safer communities, empowering women, and ensuring survivors have access to meaningful support.
Accepting the award on behalf of the Country Director, SIHA’s Administration Coordinator, Muna Osman, expressed deep gratitude to the Ministry. She said the recognition reflects not only the organisation’s work, but also the resilience and courage of the women, girls, and communities whom SIHA serves across the Horn of Africa.
Osman emphasized that the honour strengthens SIHA’s resolve to continue its advocacy for justice, equality, and the protection of women’s rights. She noted that despite progress, violence against women and girls remains widespread, and many grassroots groups still lack the support they need to respond effectively.
For SIHA Network, the award represents a significant moment in its relationship with the Somaliland government. It highlights a shared commitment to protecting women’s rights and underscores the belief that meaningful progress requires action from all sectors of society.
As Somaliland marked the close of the 16 Days of Activism and commemorated International Human Rights Day, the recognition of SIHA served as a reminder that women’s rights are central to human rights. It also reinforced the vibrant role played by organisations that document abuses, support survivors, and amplify voices that are too often silenced.
With this award, SIHA Network moves forward with renewed determination to build a more just, inclusive, and equitable Horn of Africa—one where every woman and girl can live in safety, dignity, and full human rights.
Mogadishu — Former Somali President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed has issued a stark warning that the country is not yet ready for a legitimate one-person, one-vote election, stating that the process risks further destabilizing an already fragile security situation.
In an interview with the BBC Somali Service on Wednesday, the former leader criticized the federal government’s electoral push as disconnected from reality. He characterized the initiative as political rhetoric lacking the necessary groundwork, legal frameworks, or inclusive agreement to ensure a credible process.
“Direct elections cannot be achieved through speeches alone,” Sheikh Sharif stated. “They require concrete laws, functional political parties, and—most critically—security on the ground that does not yet exist.”
He expressed profound concern for Somalia’s future, warning that the survival of the state itself could be threatened without a unified national strategy. The security landscape, he argued, has deteriorated to a point where many fear for the country’s stability in the years ahead.
Sheikh Sharif was especially dismissive of the newly formed federal electoral commission, which he labeled as partisan and illegitimate. “A credible commission must be built on consensus,” he said. “A body appointed unilaterally by one party destroys confidence in the entire process.”
He further contended that the electoral landscape is currently dominated by a single political faction aligned with Villa Somalia, the seat of the presidency, thereby stifling multi-party democracy.
The former president urged the government to forge a negotiated political framework to reduce rising tensions between authorities and the opposition, and to prioritize the preservation of state stability.
His comments come ahead of planned local elections in Mogadishu, which are scheduled to commence at the end of December 2025
Nairobi – The Republic of Somaliland held its premier High-Level Development Coordination Forum (HLDCF) in Nairobi this week, uniting senior government officials with international partners to assess economic progress and solidify collaboration on national priorities.
Convened by Somaliland’s Ministry of Planning and National Development under the chairmanship of Minister Kaltuun Sheikh Hasan Abdi, the forum featured a comprehensive economic briefing from Finance and Economic Development Minister Abdillahi Hasan Adan. His presentation detailed the country’s fiscal trajectory, including revenue growth, budget performance, inflation, labor market dynamics, and other key indicators highlighting both advances and persistent challenges.
The Somaliland delegation included high-ranking representatives such as the President’s Advisor on Economic Affairs, the Director General of the Ministry of Planning, Ambassador to Kenya Hon. Mohamed Abdullahi Omar, and technical specialists from various ministries.
They were joined by officials from major development partners, including several European governments, the United States, United Nations agencies, the European Union, the World Bank, and the African Development Bank.
Discussions highlighted Somaliland’s developmental achievements over the past year, reviewed data on drought impacts and humanitarian needs, and aligned partner support with the objectives of the National Development Plan. A central focus was identifying investment opportunities in core sectors—agriculture, fisheries, livestock, minerals, and energy—viewed as essential engines for future growth and employment.
Serving as the principal mechanism for orchestrating development initiatives, the HLDCF aims to enhance joint planning and priority-setting. Participants reaffirmed their commitment to a coordinated approach in designing and implementing future programs, emphasizing the importance of sustained partnership.
Following the forum, Minister Abdillahi Hasan Adan is scheduled for a series of bilateral meetings in Nairobi with representatives from the World Bank, the African Development Bank, and European governments to advance specific cooperative initiatives.
The forum underscores Somaliland’s continued drive to strengthen economic resilience and attract international support for sustainable development in a complex regional landscape.
Saudi Arabia has formally requested that Somaliland begin exporting fish from its abundant marine waters, marking a potential new chapter in bilateral trade relations. The move comes as Saudi imports of fish from Yemen have been halted due to the ongoing conflict in the region. Historically a key supplier of live livestock to the Kingdom, Somaliland is now being viewed as an alternative source for high-quality seafood.
According to reports confirmed by Somaliland’s Ministry of Fisheries to local outlet Dirane TV, a key condition set by the Saudi government is the establishment of a dedicated laboratory in Somaliland. This facility would test and certify the health and safety of exported fish, mirroring the rigorous veterinary checks already in place for Somaliland’s livestock exports to Saudi Arabia.
Business leaders and officials from the Ministry of Fisheries are now collaborating to meet these technical requirements, including the construction of the health certification lab. The initiative aims to ensure all exported fish meet international standards, thereby facilitating smooth trade.
Somaliland boasts one of the longest coastlines in Africa, rich with untapped marine resources. If fully realized, this opportunity could generate substantial revenue, diversify the economy beyond its dominant livestock sector, and create new jobs in fishing, processing, and export logistics.
Somaliland already exports millions of live animals annually to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states, primarily through the Port of Berbera. A successful expansion into fisheries could further strengthen these economic ties and provide a buffer against fluctuations in livestock demand.
Officials and analysts view this development as a timely opportunity, especially amid rising global demand for sustainable seafood. Successful implementation could position Somaliland as a reliable supplier in the Gulf market, yielding significant foreign exchange earnings.
Under development banners, Turkey has assumed the role of a surrogate state: a base training thousands of Somali soldiers, an airport and port under long concessions controlling its oxygen lines, a national hospital bearing Erdogan’s name and a Turkish state bank – the first foreign bank in Somalia in half a century – granting Ankara a pipeline into governance. This is leverage, not philanthropy. Somalia receives protection and infrastructure; Turkey receives coastline, concessions, deniability and a launch corridor
The decisive shift in the Red Sea corridor is not in Yemen but in Somalia – where Turkey has built an offshore chapter of a strategic order the world refuses to face. The Houthis and Iran fill headlines, but the centre of gravity has shifted: a NATO state is projecting power far beyond its borders, and everyone looks away.
Somalia is not a partner of Turkey; it is its proxy – not via militias or banners, but through parallel sovereignty: a foreign-run army, gateways, doctrines and coastline. This is not assistance; it is redesign at the most sensitive choke point of global trade.
Most observers treat Turkey’s footprint in Somalia as development or commerce. The reality is starker. Turkey is building a second strategic geography – offshore, deniable and beyond NATO’s sight – a space to test capabilities NATO cannot monitor, Europe cannot shape and Iran could envy. Somalia is the laboratory and the Gulf of Aden–Red Sea corridor the theatre.
Turkey’s missile-testing project in Somalia is not a footnote. It is the missing tile in a mosaic Ankara has built for over a decade: Russian-fueled nuclear infrastructure in Akkuyu with opaque clauses; Pakistani nuclear and missile expertise embedded through military channels; discreet uranium routes explored via Niger; and now a long, politically shielded African coastline to test delivery systems without the oversight that binds every NATO state – except one.
For the first time in NATO’s history, a member state is constructing a parallel strategic ecosystem. A nuclear-capable Turkey would not shift regional balances – it would detonate the logic that sustains them, collapsing deterrence from the Aegean to the Gulf. The same missile doctrine Erdogan brandished against Athens would apply to every capital exposed to Turkey’s expanding launch corridors, rendering distance, sensors and early-warning grids obsolete. As Marinos Gasiamis noted in Ta Nea, Ankara’s Somali corridor already hosts missile programmes monitored with urgency – confirmation that Turkey’s offshore geometry is documented reality. The new architecture would be authored in Ankara, trialed in Somalia and absorbed by a continent realising the threat is systemic, not local.
But this second geography requires a host. Somalia sold its sovereignty.
Under development banners, Turkey has assumed the role of a surrogate state: a base training thousands of Somali soldiers, an airport and port under long concessions controlling its oxygen lines, a national hospital bearing Erdogan’s name and a Turkish state bank – the first foreign bank in Somalia in half a century – granting Ankara a pipeline into governance. This is leverage, not philanthropy. Somalia receives protection and infrastructure; Turkey receives coastline, concessions, deniability and a launch corridor the alliance does not know how to categorize.
Turkey has used this method before. In Libya it turned an intervention into a semi-permanent presence: a contested maritime deal, airbases at Al-Watiya and Misrata, defence accords reshaping forces and parliamentary mandates keeping Turkish troops until 2026. Somalia is where that pattern leaves the Mediterranean for the Red Sea corridor – the same toolbox of bases, law and dependency, now adapted to missile ranges and a nuclear-adjacent posture.
But proxies never operate in isolation. The Houthis illustrate why. Funded and armed by Iran, they also benefit from Turkey’s oxygen: financial corridors, cover and rhetorical legitimacy Tehran could not obtain in the West. This does not make them pro-Turkish; it makes them effective.
A proxy system works best when sponsors need not coordinate. The Houthis close the strait with missiles; Turkey expands its footprint across from them; Iran gains reach; Turkey gains flexibility; and Europe loses the ability to distinguish cause from consequence.
Israel has demonstrated in Iran what many assumed it would never do, and it assesses the current map with the same clarity. The distance from Israeli airbases to Somalia is nearly identical to Yemen – and only marginally farther than Israel’s operational reach into Iran. Somalia is not beyond Israel’s horizon; it sits within the warning time Israel has acted on before. Ankara – and Mogadishu with it – should not mistake quiet for comfort. Jerusalem’s eyes are open.
But Somalia is not the only Somali coastline. There is another shore – one Erdogan cannot purchase and one that refuses to behave like a client. Somaliland.
If Somalia is a cautionary tale of outsourced sovereignty, Somaliland is the counterexample: a democracy in one of the Horn’s harshest environments. It has held competitive elections, managed peaceful transitions and built institutions resilient enough to outlast governments.
Somaliland is unrecognized de jure but treated de facto as a state by those who prefer truth to diplomatic fiction. Taiwan maintains representative offices. Denmark sustains development channels from Hargeisa. Kenya holds a liaison mission. The UAE invested in Berbera Port, transforming it into a logistics node with strategic effect. And military cooperation – including deployment of systems supplied by a third state under approved end-user terms – underscores a deeper reality: the world behaves as if Somaliland is a state. Only the paperwork is missing.
Between an Iranian proxy in Yemen and a Turkish proxy in Somalia, Somaliland is the last intact coastline on this corridor not yet pulled into someone else’s strategic design.
This is where Israel enters the equation in ways often overlooked. Berbera, unlike Mogadishu, is not a platform for Turkish ambitions but for regional balance. It is there that counter-Houthi maritime awareness has strengthened, and where partners have deployed Israeli-manufactured early-warning systems – acquired by a third state and moved there with explicit Israeli approval. Principle matters more than specifications: Israeli-origin capabilities do not shift theatres without policy behind them. When Israel authorizes third-party basing, it signals something larger than commerce – a strategic map drawn with intent.
Recognizing Somaliland is not theory but timing and strategic clarity. The longer the international system rewards Somalia’s model – ports sold, coastlines leased, statehood outsourced – the more it fuels proxies, dependency and revisionist reach. Backing Somaliland means backing the only model in the Horn where stability comes from institutions, not patrons. The real question is how long the fiction of non-recognition can last before it exacts a price across the Red Sea corridor.
The choice is stark. Either Ankara’s second geography settles into the Red Sea corridor unnoticed, or the Horn’s democratic coastline is strengthened before silence becomes strategy and strategy becomes fact. Israel has aligned its map to this reality. Others must choose whether to face it early or answer it later on Ankara’s terms. The corridor does not wait for hesitation – it rewards those who understand the moment first.
Shay Gal is an expert in international politics, crisis management and strategic communications. He works globally, focusing on power relations, geopolitical strategy and public diplomacy, and their impact on policy and decision-making.
Somaliland Engages High-Level Investment Talks with Saudi-Based International Centre for Investment
Hargeisa – The Minister of Investment and Industry of the Republic of Somaliland, Hon. Said Mohamed Burale, convened high-level talks with a delegation from The International Centre for Investment. The meeting aimed to deepen investment ties and establish strategic cooperation.
The Somaliland delegation included Deputy Minister of Investment and Industrial Development, Eng. Mohamed Elmi Huuno. They received the visiting group led by Mr. Ibrahim Aldhahi, Founder and Chief Executive Officer of The International Centre for Investment. He was accompanied by Prof. Faisal Mohamed Ali, Senior Advisor on Strategic Relations for the Balkans and Horn of Africa region, based in the United Kingdom.
Discussions focused on exploring new investment opportunities across multiple sectors and identifying areas for long-term collaboration and joint initiatives.
Minister Burale emphasized the government’s commitment to creating a conducive environment for foreign direct investment. He highlighted Somaliland’s strategic advantages and untapped potential in key economic sectors.
Also present was Mrs. Hanna Mohamed Yasin, Deputy Director of the Ministry’s Industry Department.
The meeting concluded positively, with both sides expressing mutual understanding and a shared commitment to advance concrete investment projects in the near future.
Following the official talks, the Chairman of the opposition Waddani Party, Hon. Hirsi Ali Haji Hassan, hosted an honorary dinner for the delegation.
Clarification: The International Centre for Investment is a private Saudi-owned company. This meeting was held between Somaliland’s Ministry of Investment and the company’s executives, not as an intergovernmental dialogue with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
