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Somalia: Mogadishu still not a safe place

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As Somalia celebrates the first anniversary of the end of the transition, there is concern about the perceived slowdown in the fight against the Islamic militant group Al-Shabaab.

Andrews Atta-Asamoah has just returned from a visit to Somalia and says the security situation in Mogadishu is still precarious, even though a lot of progress has been made. He says the decision by the humanitarian organisation Médecins sans Frontières (MSF) to pull out of Somalia after 22 years in the country could be seen as a coded message to those who are considered to be too lenient towards Al-Shabaab.

In the last few months since the inauguration of the new government in August last year, there has been cautious optimism that peace is now a real possibility in Somalia. Was it safe to visit Mogadishu?

For many Somalis travelling on their own it is much safer than in the past. But for foreigners and those attached to the United Nations (UN) and the African Union Mission for Somalia (AMISOM) there are a number of critical no-go areas.

AMISOM is largely controlling four sectors in Somalia, including Mogadishu, where it has succeeded in creating a huge buffer around the airport, known as the Mogadishu International Airport (MIA). Within this secure area you find a number of UN agencies, diplomatic missions like the British embassy and other international actors. If you need to go out of this well-protected area, you often need to go with a convoy of the African Union (AU).

It sounds as if the foreign military force in Somalia could be perceived as an ‘occupying force’, huddled around the airport, a bit like the US forces in Iraq. Is this true?

One has to understand the context. Everywhere you find a UN presence; there are very strict security measures. The MIA is the most protected area because of the UN and AMISOM presence, although AMISOM is also deployed in strategic parts of town. It protects the university and sport stadium. But even its convoys get attacked from time to time.

Generally, though, I think the security situation has improved greatly from what we know Somalia used to be, but it is still very far from what one would expect in a stable country in Africa.

Does that mean the 18 000 soldiers of AMISOM are not as effective on the ground as one is led to believe?

In a place like Mogadishu, for instance, AMISOM was able to deliver 80% of Mogadishu to the government. However, we still see significant attacks from Al-Shabaab, largely due to the guerrilla tactics of the group. When you move out of the city you find less and less government presence, especially in the south-central parts of the country.

MSF has announced its withdrawal from the country after 22 years in Somalia. Although 16 MSF staff members have been killed in Somalia, this doesn’t come after any specific attack, so why withdraw now?

It’s very interesting because MSF has been in Somalia even at times where there was no government. From the official communication from the president of MSF, one gets a sense he is blaming the civilian leadership for condoning some of the attacks on MSF staff. I think it is a coded message that speaks to a perception in the larger Somali community that there has been a slowdown in the fight against Al-Shabaab. There is also a perception that some of the leadership in the current government do not seem to have the appetite for sustaining the tough military onslaught against Al-Shabaab.

Why would there be a slowdown?

Some people believe the slowdown is because there are individuals in the current government belonging to the Damul Jadid (‘new blood’) faction of Al-Islah, and who are generally lenient towards Al-Shabaab. Even if these individuals are not necessarily supporting them in any way, there is a sense that there is a lack of willingness to directly continue confronting them and to continue to use the military approach.

When the president was elected last year, he also decided to change many leaders in key positions, including those leading the onslaught against Al-Shabaab in the security sector. This ended up slowing down the whole fight against Al-Shabaab, which could be an unintended consequence of something the government was doing in good faith. Another important aspect is that AMISOM is overstretched.

What does this mean in terms of the humanitarian situation on the ground in Somalia?

It is going to be very difficult for any other humanitarian organisation to step in and take over MSF’s role. There are other non-governmental organisations (NGOs) present in Somalia, but they also have challenges. The NGOs from Turkey were perceived to be very neutral and they made a point of not being identified with the UN and being only in Somalia to help their Islamic brothers and sisters, but we recently saw a hit on a Turkish convoy and an attack on the Turkish embassy, so it is becoming more difficult for them as well.

The federal government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was established on 20 August 2012. One year on, things are not looking that good for the government.

The withdrawal of MSF and the announcement by the Puntland government that it is cutting ties with the government are signs that all is not well. It puts a lot of pressure on Mogadishu to do things differently or else it is going to be very difficult for it to sustain its credibility in the eyes of the people for four years.

There has also been strife between the central government and the local leaders in Kismayo.

The new constitution provides for a federal system, but there is disagreement over who should drive the formation of these federal states, the central government or the local administration.

Clearly, the government also finds itself in the context of being constantly in the middle of a push from the international community on the one hand, and a local pull on the other. In its bid to attract international attention and to reposition the country, it appears to be doing more internationally, instead of doing things to please its local constituency.

What about the promises of the new government to root out corruption?

One year on, corruption persists. If you look at the recent report by the UN-monitoring group, there are indications that disbursements from the Central Bank still pass through individual hands and not through any specific government institutions. One gets a sense that it is not necessarily corruption but a lack of strong institutions on the ground. Some of these things should have changed by now.

Piracy has drastically been reduced off the Somali coast. Are some of the punitive measures, like those against money laundering, finally working?

All these responses are paying off, including the fact that ships now have their own security and are avoiding hotspots. One also has to give credit to the response of the Puntland government in trying to dismantle some of those groups who were behind the piracy, through imprisonment and legal responses.

The underlying issue is that piracy is a fall-out of worsening insecurity in Somalia, so any time the security situation improves, you find that also reflected in the piracy situation.

What are the key issues that will determine whether the present government succeeds?

The first issue would be the strength of the government and its ability to project itself as doing something for the people and being a credible partner to the international community.

Secondly, is the ability of the government and the international community, particularly AMISOM, to deal with Al-Shabaab and stretch beyond the areas they are holding. AMISOM is overstretched and it cannot go beyond the territories it has liberated, so it is now on the defensive and if you do this you become more and more vulnerable.

Finally, the question will be whether the international forces in Somalia can position themselves to win the hearts and minds of the people. If you’re on the ground and you’re not really making a huge impact, over time you will start to be seen as an occupying force.

Liesl Louw-Vaudran, ISS Consultant

Somalia:The Dead Man Walking In the Horn of Africa

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Remains of genocide victims

Mohamed Ubo

1969: The sunrise of Siyad Bare dictatorship, the sunset of the 9 year old Somalia post-colonial democracy and the beginning of terrible atrocities, brutalities, and marginalization of the north ultimately crafted the kicking out of the late oppressor Mohamed Siyad Bare who fled and died in Lagos Nigeria at the age of 74 in 1995, and the demise of the autocratic rule of Somalia in 1991. This is the time Somaliland walked out the union and  found the password for positive peace, genuine democracy and sustainable development, corresponding to the era that Somalia lost its password of peace which still at large for the time being after more than two decades.

The Somaliland republic was made from scratch without external backing from the international community, but very fortunately employed their local inherited traditions, which have in due course erected extremely strong democratic state institutions. And despite of all those admirable and outstanding endeavors from local people, Somaliland still lacks diplomatic recognition for more than two straight decades, which is outrageously wrong and a mockery to both Africa and other international community. And Somaliland believes, that in the immediate future the cost of more than two decades of diplomatic isolation from the international community will be charged in future international courts.

Conversely, except for the autonomous region of Puntland that has a relative peace, the south and central Somalia have been swallowed up by all forms of conflicts and south and central Somalia are still in a deep coma. After that official collapse of the Somali Republic in 1991, the dead nation—Somalia—started walking on the horn of Africa despite many countries imagine that he is breathing and alive but in 22 plus years nothing has changed for the reason that he is the father of ten bad children—anarchy, violence, warlords, famine, rape, civil disorder, brutality, crimes, human right abusers and tribalism. The dead man along with his ten bad children has been walking and fighting in the Horn of Africa, and has killed thousands and turned millions into refugees outside Somalia and IDPs inside the country.

The dead man walking refused to take a proved template of success for peace and development from his peaceful brother Somaliland. This dead man believes that Somaliland is part of his family despite Somaliland leaving the family in 1991 and then Somaliland delivered ten fruitful children who are: unity, peace, free education, economic growth, healthy population, coherent military, genuine democracy, sustainable development, effective judiciary system and booming business. The dead man walking in the Horn of Africa has forgotten that the unification of British Somaliland with Italian Somalia formed the Somali Republic in 1960 and after the official demise of the Somali Republic 1991, Somaliland stopped being part of the union and In 22 straight years the Republic of Somaliland has tried and failed to convince the dead man walking. Furthermore, unfortunately, the international community has never tried to convince this dead man walking in the Horn by telling him that he is the father of another two destructive children called terrorism and piracy which composes his home a hotbed of all bad tensions in the region that brought his home more timid and terrified to survive in.

After the unification, from 1960 to 1969 the republic exercised fresh democracy. And afterward, in 1969 the nine year old Somali democracy came to an end after Siyad Bare’s overthrow of the elected civilian government in a bloodless coup; Barre was named the new president of the country, claiming that the civilian government neglected the Somali republic. In 1979 the Somali constitution was crafted and guaranteed that democratic elections would be held. The first election was in 1986 and Siyad ran in an uncontested election in which he claimed that he won 99.9% of the votes.

 Siyad Bare established an oppressive military dictatorship that reigned brutally for 21 years from 1969 to 1991 and he was ousted in 1991 due to his torture, cruelty, crimes, corruption, nepotism, tribalism, rape and also his military and economic misadventure.  Committed inconceivable crimes and atrocities against many tribes in the north— according to many different sources almost 70,000 people in the north mostly women and children were calculatedly killed and hundreds were missed through unexplained disappearances  —that international human rights organizations fully accounted the worst human rights abuse in the world following Somaliland showed mountains of primary evidences to the international community particularly when A Peruvian Forensic anthropology team came to Somaliland in 2012; revealed details of widespread atrocities that continued from 1970 to 1991. Peruvian Forensic Anthropology Team (EPAF) is a non-profit organization that seeks to contribute to the consolidation of peace and democracy where grave human rights violations have taken place by working alongside the families of the disappeared to find their loved ones. They came to Somaliland and revealed details of atrocities including number of mass graves across Somaliland. For instance, they found 200 mass graves in Hargeisa , 12 mass graves in Berbera, 8 mass graves in Buroa, 1 mass grave in Sheikh , 2 mass graves in Eragavo and 1 mass grave in Arabsio, and beyond reasonable doubt, this is an outstanding milestone case for Somaliland`s inquiry of brutalities .

Construction in Hargeysa

The Thriving peace in Somaliland encourages  suitable environment for Development and Investment

 Therefore, Somaliland believes that the Somali republic officially departed in 1991 after Somaliland officially declared it was leaving the union. Somaliland told both the dead man walking and the international community that Somaliland people underwent severe atrocities from the union for 40 years and the Somaliland people were ruled by a constitution they overwhelmingly rejected in the referendum of the constitution in 1961—that means the union had not been legalized at that time. Opportunely as the 1960s governments were democratic; the Somaliland people saw a light at the end of the tunnel but the situation got worse when Siyad Bare went on to take power and crafted domineering military government and later in 1970 formed what he called scientific socialism from the Soviet Union. Siyad Bare was the father of all forms conflicts and great grandfather of all the ten horrific children of Somalia that currently placed were Somalia is in today. The dead man walking along with his ten horrific children did not only commit crimes against the people in the north but in the south they indiscriminately eradicated all innocent residents that hailed from some of the tribes in the north—for instance, the Jazeera Massacre in the outskirt of Mogadishu on the night of July 1989 where 47 innocent civilian mostly students and business men who remained there were lined up and then shot dead within two minutes on account of their clan but very fortunately only Mr. Omar Isse Mire was survived after he pretended to be dead. In January 2012 Mr Mire held a press conference in Hargeisa, and he explained how the government troops took them from their homes to Jazeera beach.  

Despite of all that above realities on the ground, the dead man walking on the horn of Africa refused to accept that Somaliland can withdraw from the union, and refused to accept that people in the north were intentionally tortured, raped, bombed their cities, fled, killed civilian fleeing and executed by the military of the late authoritarian Siyad Bare from the government. This dead man walking refused to accept the mass graves in Somaliland in which thousands of innocent people were buried—many of them were alive during the military was putting them under the ground. Despite the dead man walking rejected the atrocities, luckily, in 2012, one of the perpetrators of that case who was vice president and defense minister from 1980 to 1986, and prime minister from 1987 to 1990 of Somalia was found guilty on 28 august 2012 in USA. Having in mind all that details of atrocities, the dead man walking in the horn of Africa strongly believes that Somaliland left from the union in 1991 has nothing to do with the actual realities on the ground but a naïve behavior from their political elites, the same as their emotional nationalism of 1960. 

In my personal judgment, despite Somaliland achieving remarkable developments in many accounts, its case and seeds of diplomatic recognition has been deposited in the hands of a dead man walking and  still keeps searching its diplomatic recognition from the dead man walking, EU, UN and AU that do not reflect the geopolitical realities of 2013 but can keep searching from the East that are emerging markets like China, Japan and the like that Somaliland could buy its strategic location that can be an economic gate way of Asia to the rest of Africa. Therefore, the paradigm of Somaliland`s search for diplomatic recognition ought to be 360 degree shifted from West to East.

In closing, the dead man walking in the Horn of Africa should stop the mere rhetoric that goes to nowhere and understand in this way, as far as Somaliland people—who voted in 2001 referendum with strong 97.1 percent in favor of the constitution—are concerned, leaving the union is not emotional politics from the political elites but based on principles from the hearts and minds of the grass root ordinary Somaliland citizens.

 

Mohamed Ubo

Ubo84@hotmail.com

Aid Worker and independent researcher

 

 

Somalia’s Islamists seize strategic Town from Government Forces

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MOGADISHU—Hundreds of  Al shabab militiamen  have taken  control of  a strategic town in Somalia’s south-western region of Bakool located near Ethiopian border without any resistance after government soldiers withdrew earlier today.

Residents of  Qurac-Jome said ,the rebels after capturing the town launched house-to-house searches, looking for people suspected to be   government collaborators .

Meanwhile, Tension are said to be high in the area as Somali government forces along with Ethiopian troops are said to be making preparations to retake  the town from Al shabaab.

Reports said Civilians are fleeing the area for fear of  their lives due to the escalation of military activities in the area.

The  captured town lies on a key a route which links other towns in the region, including Hudur town which is under the control of Al-Shabaab fighters.

Since 2011, the radical group has lost a number of key areas in southern and central Somalia to Gov’t forces and AU peacekeepers.

The al-Shabab group-linked with Al Qaeda has waging five-year guerrilla warfare to topple President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud, who was elected in September 10, 2012 after being chosen by the country’s federal parliament.

By Omar Nor, Freelance journalist in Mogadishu

Somalia absolves Jimaale, appeals to UNSC lift sanctions on terrorism

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By M.A. Egge

The Federal Government of Somalia has appealed to the United Nations Security council to lift the sanctions imposed upon Somali telecommunications magnate Mr. Ahmed Noor Jimaale.

According to a press release circulated in websites by the SFG Premier’s press officer Mr. Garad Salad Hersi, the cabinet agreed concretely on the decision to have the entrepreneur get clearance.

It quotes the Minister of Information and Transport saying that according to an investigative task force instituted by the state to delve into the allegations against Mr. Jimaale, the committee absolves him of any wrong doing in abetting terrorism.

“The committee that has absolved Mr. Jimale consisted of intelligence officers and consultants, business and associated fraternities” said Minister Abdillahi Ilmoge Hersi.

He added that they have investigated all quarters that mattered including amongst the societies of communities, eminent business and clerical circles, traditional leaders hence Mr. Jimale is “deemed spotless and absolved of the said crimes”.

The minister accounts the plea to the UN Security Council and community of nations in lifting the sanctions in the spirit of guarding the individual and material rights and reconciliatory efforts of the state.

The cabinet reached the agreement in their regular cabinet meetings held on the 21/22nd August under the PM’s chairmanship.

It is noteworthy to mention that earlier month the president of Somalia was alleged to be an Al-shabaab by veteran politician Ali Khalif Galeid (an SFG parliamentarian).

Sooner rather than later ,the internationally renowned MSF institution had to bolt out of the country, ironically, where they had braved all heat and storms for the past 21 odd years!

The UN Security Council had slapped sanctions upon Mr. Jimale hence severally renewed it, most recently, as at the first quarter of this year.

The order according to the power conferred up the UNSC committee in resolution 751 of 1992 and resolution 1907 of 2009 concerning the Horn of African state read as follows:

On 17 February 2012, the Security Council Committee pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea added one individual to the list of individuals and entities subject to the travel ban, assets freeze and targeted arms embargo imposed by paragraphs 1, 3 and 7 of resolution 1844 (2008).

(12) Jim’ale, Ali Ahmed Nur

AKA: JIM’ALE, Ahmed Ali
AKA: JIM’ALE, Ahmad Nur Ali
AKA: JIM’ALE, Sheikh Ahmed
AKA: JIM’ALE, Ahmad Ali
AKA: JIM’ALE, Shaykh Ahmed Nur

DOB: 1954
POB: Eilbur, Somalia
Nationality: Somalia
Alt. nationality: Djibouti
Passport: A0181988 (Somalia), exp. 23 January 2011
Location: Djibouti, Republic of Djibouti

Ali Ahmed Nur Jim’ale (Jim’ale) has served in leadership roles with the former Somali Council of Islamic Courts, also known as the Somali Islamic Courts Union, which was a radical-Islamist element. The most radical elements of the Somali Islamic Courts Union eventually formed the group known as Al-Shabaab. Al‑Shabaab was listed for targeted sanctions in April 2010 by the United Nations Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolutions 751 (1992) and 1907 (2009) concerning Somalia and Eritrea (the “Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee”). The Committee listed Al-Shabaab for being an entity engaged in acts that directly threatens the peace, security, or stability of Somalia, including but not limited to acts that pose a threat to Somali Transitional Federal Government.

According to the 18 July 2011 report of the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee’s Monitoring Group (S/2011/433), Jim’ale is identified as a prominent businessman and figure in the Al-Shabaab charcoal-sugar trading cycle and benefitting from privileged relationships with Al-Shabaab.

Jim’ale is identified as one of Al-Shabaab’s chief financiers and is ideologically aligned with Al-Shabaab. Jim’ale has provided key funding and political support for Hassan Dahir Aweys (“Aweys”), who was also listed by the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee. Former Al-Shabaab Deputy Emir Muktar Robow reportedly continued to engage in political posturing within the Al-Shabaab organization during the mid-2011. Robow engaged Aweys and Jim’ale in an effort to advance their shared objectives and consolidate their overall stance within the context of the Al-Shabaab leadership rift.

As of fall 2007, Jim’ale established a front company in Djibouti for extremist activities called the Investors Group. The short-term goal of the group was, through the funding of extremist activities and weapons purchases, to destabilize Somaliland. The group assisted in smuggling small arms from Eritrea through Djibouti into the 5th region of Ethiopia where extremists received the shipment. As of mid-2008, Jim’ale continued to operate the Investors Group.

As of late September 2010, Jim’ale established ZAAD, a mobile-to-mobile money-transfer business and struck a deal with Al-Shabaab to make money transfers more anonymous by eliminating the need to show identification.

As of late 2009, Jim’ale had a known hawala fund where he collected zakat, which was provided to Al-Shabaab.

Jim’ale also controls Hormuud Telecommunications (“Hormuud”). Hormuud Telecommunications is a company identified as being one of the single largest financiers of Al-Shabaab, which includes large lump-sum payments to Al-Shabaab in the hundreds of thousands of dollars and these payments to Al-Shabaab were facilitated by Jim’ale.

Hormuud is operated by several former large shareholders of Al-Barakaat with Jim’ale being the largest shareholder. Hormuud Telecommunications was created by the former leaders of Al-Barakaat in an attempt to re-establish themselves as a dominant telecom provider in Somalia. In addition, Hormuud managers have provided Al-Shabaab leaders such as Hassan al-Turki, an Al-Shabaab-aligned military leader who was also listed by the Somalia/Eritrea Sanctions Committee, with personal communication networks.

In addition to providing funding, Hormuud Telecommunications has provided key material and logistical support to Al-Shabaab to include weapons, private fighters and ammunition. Spokespersons for moderate Somali groups have warned the Somali people not to use Hormuud Telecommunications Company, because Hormuud personnel listen in on conversations for Al-Shabaab. Additionally, Hormuud has cut off telephone service during Al-Shabaab attacks against pro-Somali Government forces.

The latest version of the list is available on the Committee’s webpage at http://www.un.org/sc/committees/751/…_cons_list.pdf.

www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/Programs/Documents/somalia.pdf

http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/OFAC-Enforcement/Pages/20120925.aspx

http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/OFAC-Enforcement/Pages/20011107.aspx

http://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/sanctions/OFAC-Enforcement/Pages/20120302.aspx

Somalia: The Plight of Wagosha People in Jubba Land

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Since the end of 18th century, there has been a contest for resources and economic control in southern Somalia’s Jubba Regions. The race for resources in these Regions is between various groups with competing economic interests in the area and it is has been increasingly difficult for the original inhabitants to deter these groups from grabbing their land.

Competition for resources in these areas is frankly based on excessive greed and wild imaginations a lot worse than the one on the book “Animal farm” by George Orwell in 1994 in which it emerged that all humans are equal but some are more equal than others.

Foreigners that write about the conflict in the country believe Jubba regions are the central pillar in the conflict in southern Somalia Region and the only part in the country where hostilities will linger on long after the conflict is over in the rest of the country. These areas are particularly of interests due to its richness in mineral resources which every group is trying to get its hands on; “pure gold” as some would say.

Catherine Besteman and Lee V. Cassanelli who are both Anthropologists wrote a book about title ‘The struggle for Land in Southern Somalia. The War behind the War” in which they said a solution to the fighting in Somalia will never be found as long as the issue in Kismaayo [Lower Jubba, southern Somalia] and the wider Jubba Region is not addressed.

The History of Jubba regions

History books indicate that the earliest explorers found Bajuni and Jareer [Bantu clans including Wazigua, Wamakua, Wanyasa, Wangindo, Wayao, Wasambaa, Wapokomo, Mijikenda and other Bantu clans] clans residing along the [Jubba Region] coastal lines. It is also believed that the Gaaljecel clans, Sheekhal and Cowramaleh were also among those in the area.

There has been a long running dispute over the ownership of these regions since then. After Somalia attained independence, clans from other parts of the country who were getting support from the government of the day flocked into these areas (look at Bestman’s research in 1994].

The first migrants of Jubba regions are believed to be nomadic communities from western Somalia regions in search of pasture and settled there around 1880 (research by Turton 1970, Dalleo and Little 1992) and settled in Afmadow. There has also been large scale migration from others in North Eastern Somalia regions since 1940’s through to 1960’s.

According to Peter D. Little, an Anthropologist in University of Kentucky, families from North Eastern Somalia regions migrated to Kismaayo around mid 1940’s. The inhabitants then opposed the arrival of these new families but the immigrants got support from the British colonials that ruled these areas in the period between 1940 and 1950 and ended up working for them as domestic servants.

Peter Little believes the clans that migrated into these regions shared a determination to oust the inhabitants (According to research by Rural Herders and Urban Merchants. The Cattle Trade in Southern Somalia). Jubba regions were then named Alabama because there was a conflict similar to the one in United States of America’s Alabama between the white and black races.

Goshaland or Jubbaland

If two different groups of people get into a dispute over the ownership of particular land, Archaeologists are always called in to study the architecture in the land and they try to establish whether there is any known link between the current residents and its original inhabitants. They start their investigations with the ground itself, graves, old buildings and history books written about the earlier inhabitants.

Jubba regions used to be known as Gosha. Its residents were called Reer Gosha [people from Gosha] Shambara and Mushunguli [Wazigua] (look at Menkhaus). Immigrants into these regions have in later years renamed these areas in order to legitimise their presence. Names such as Reer Wamo emerged. The original inhabitants refer the new arrivals as “Koyto”[which means the strangers or the immigrants] and “Galti” [the uncivilized people].

Clans that inhabited Jubba regions before the large scale immigration had a Suldan [a chief] named Nasib Bundo as the leader of Jubba regions back in the days when it was still referred to as Gosha. During the last century, these clans from Gosha united all their might in order to stop the large scale migration into their region.

In the 1950’s when Somali was still fighting for independence from the colonialists, traditional elders who were leaders of Reer Gosha contacted the United Nations and asked to have Jubba Regions added to Kenya (look at Menkhaus).

They were concerned that the new Somali government that was to come to into existence at some point in the near future might legitimise the ownership of their land to the new immigrants and that was exactly what happened in later years.

The people of Gosha have been subjected to a lot of suffering by successive governments in Somalia whether civilian or military. They were overshadowed by groups in power whose strategy was positioning of themselves to access of international aid. (Professor Abdi Samatar).

Civilians in Buulo Nasib spoke to Professor Menkhaus about the way the government led by Muhammad Siyad Barre used to rob them. The way they took over their land.

“A man that works for the military government came to us with documents claiming ownership of our land and we disputed it. We took our case to the officials at regional level who told us claims had no official documentation to back it up and our farms were handed over to the man with the documents who claimed to own our land,” said residents of Buulo Nasib while talking to the professor in 1986.

Others who tried to challenge and appeal against the military government’s decision to grab their land were subjected to intimidation and arrests. Some of them were even killed. Their land was used as reward for supporters of the government whose popularity was at the time dwindling. An example of this is the appointment of General Abdi Muhammad Sahardiid from Sool Region [North Eastern Somalia] as head of the Jubba Sugar Project.

Because the original inhabitants of Jubba regions were handy men, herders and farmers, they found it difficult to challenge the “nationalisation” campaign in which the government was grabbing their land. They become squatters in their own land and worked in their farms which had new owners. This gross injustice was the curse that led to the collapse of Somalia.

Reer Gosha were fleeing from Jubba regions and to Mogadishu and other part of the country at a time when there was an influx of new arrivals in their land. There were major programmes being undertaken in Jubba regions at the time among them Faanoole Rice Project, Mobambo Irrigation Project and Jubba Sugar Project.

The farms where these projects were being run belonged to the indigenous people of Jubba regions, who were not compensated for their loss. In the run up to the war, children in Jubba regions were used as labourers and prisoners were not brought before any court.

The civil war in Somalia was pleasant news for Reer Gosha because they then got the opportunity to regain control of their land until a government of national unity was formed in the country (look at Menkhaus]. Because they were not armed, it proved difficult to repossess the land and warring groups who were drooling over the resources in Jubba regions fought and continue fighting over resources.

The conflict over control of Jubba regions has become synonymous with the history of Somalia and the conflict in the country.

People from Gosha were then displaced from their homes and have had to leave the land where they lived for generations. They were badly affected by a conflict they had no role in. The rebel groups led by General Aideed, Colonel Jees, General Morgan, Colonel Goobanle and Colonel Barre Hiraale fought over control of Jubba regions which then redoubled the uncertainty and suffering of the indigenous people.

There have been reports of starvation in these areas every couple of years. Wild animals in the regions have also fled from the constant gunfire. Rotating seasons of planting and harvest which the indigenous people used such as Laba Maalisley and Laba Maylinley have been done away with. The drastic effect of the conflict has turned the region to a near desert.

Land belongs to its own people

Having lived through many years of conflict and continued chaos, the people of Gosha whose land has been grabbed are now seeking to save themselves. Whether it out of gross injustice or not, the geographical conditions in Jubba regions have now changed and the amount of rainfall in these areas has been minimal (look at the map NOAA and CRES Australia).

The United Nations concerned about the conflict in these regions organized a reconciliation conference in 1994 in which it brought together clans that are in dispute over the ownership of Jubba whether the indigenous people or those that emigrated in later years. The conference was chaired by General Muhammad Ibrahim Ahmad alias Liiqliqaato.

Whatever the outcome of these talks might have been, it was blocked by the renewed fighting which erupted while the conference was still ongoing.

It is now a calamity that some of the groups that came to attack Jubba regions are now fighting over its ownership while the rest of Somalis just watch. The only solution to the long running conflict in these regions is to have it as a land that belongs to all Somali which no particular group is allowed to claim rights of ownership given that original inhabitants do not have any power or authority over it and are termed “the land of the living dead”.

The solution to this disputed land is also a just government that rules the country in a fair manner. The unfortunate circumstance in which the government in Mbagathi allowed two clans led by Colonel Fartaag [Marehan] and Colonel Afgudud [Majerteen from Puntland] to agree among themselves over the control of Kismaayo, each terming the other as terrorists, is something I will not discuss here.

This conflict adds petrol to the fire that is already raging in these areas. When will the issue of Jubba regions which is a fundamental basis for the conflict in Somalia be resolved?

Source: Wagosha Somalia

Somalia: The State of Higher Education in Somalia-Privatisation, Rapid Growth and the Need for Regulation

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analysis

Higher education institutions have proliferated in Somalia during two decades of civil war. More than 50,000 students are attending some 50 universities across the country.

This exponential growth has happened largely without government oversight and quality control. Research and publications capacity is almost nonexistent.

Teaching capacity is low. Universities lack adequate facilities such as science and computer labs. Most rely almost exclusively on student fees to fund their operations.

If the next generation of Somali graduates are to contribute towards the reconstruction of the country and compete with returning members of the diaspora in the job market, the quality of service provided by higher education institutions must improve.

Starting from scratch

Shortly before the collapse of the state in 1991, Somalia had just one university located in Mogadishu with approximately 4000 students enrolled.

In the absence of central government, local communities, Islamic non-government organisations, and the Somali diaspora have spearheaded efforts to develop the higher education sector, even as conflict raged through the country. Between 2004 and 2012 alone, 34 higher education institutions were established.

There are now at least a dozen universities in Mogadishu and half a dozen in Hargeisa, the capital of the autonomous region of Somaliland.

Crippled by pitiful budgets, severely limited capacity, and an unenviable list of priorities, government institutions have had little choice but to allow the private sector to dominate the provision of education.

While universities and colleges may register with regional governments when they first open, there is very little further interaction with authorities. Many institutions are governed by self-established local education associations. Others claim to be entirely independent of any oversight.

There are now growing concerns that without regulation the quality of education received at Somalia’s higher education institutions may fall far short of international standards.

Somalia’s graduates may, as a result, be ill-prepared to enter employment with qualifications that are unlikely to be recognized beyond the country’s borders. An alarming number of education institutions exist without a library, without computer or printing facilities, and without scientific laboratories.

Furthermore, there is a worrying concentration on specific disciplines with approximately one third of all students enrolled in information technology (IT) and business administration courses. As the country enters a new phase of post-conflict reconstruction, there is an increasing need for qualified doctors, lawyers, engineers, and teachers.

Regional disparities

The relative peace and stability that has characterized the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, in the north-west of Somalia, since 1991 has unsurprisingly meant that the level of reconstruction of the education sector in this region is noticeably higher than other regions.

In the north-eastern region of Somalia, the semi-autonomous Puntland State has also made significant progress in rebuilding the education sector since it was formed in 1998.

Universities in Somaliland and Puntland are more likely to have been established with the support of the diaspora and international aid organizations.

In south central Somalia, where most western aid organizations had very little access in the past two decades, universities are more likely to have been established with the support of Islamic aid agencies that were operating throughout periods of conflict.

Universities in Puntland and south central Somalia also have proportionately more lecturing staff with doctorate degrees than in Somaliland.

Reasons for this are unclear though it may be related to the number of non-Somali lecturing staff in Somaliland who are more likely to search for teaching opportunities in the region having completed a Masters degree.

Developing the higher education sector in Somalia

There is a growing need for regulation of the higher education sector in Somalia. The federal government and regional administrations must develop educational policies that address quality issues and align national priorities with educational policies if graduates are to enter gainful employment and contribute towards the reconstruction of the country.

Regulation for the sake of regulation will not improve the service provided by higher education institutions. Government institutions will likely require support as they engage further with universities and colleges if they are to address growing concerns about the quality of service provided.

The donor community should work closely with the federal and regional governments to improve the capacity of government ministries involved in education as well as education institutions themselves.

The growth of the higher education sector in Somalia in the past two decades, despite widespread conflict, is remarkable. Efforts should now be diverted from expanding the number of institutions operating in the country to improving the quality of service they provide.

The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies, Somalia’s first independent think-tank, has carried out the most comprehensive survey of higher education institutions in the country’s history.

A total of 44 higher education institutions in all regions of Somalia, including Somaliland, were surveyed for the project.

The full report can be downloaded here. For more information contact info@heritageinstitute.org.

Somalia:Pirates Move Hijacked Fishing Vessel to Somali Coast

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A pirated fishing vessel that could be housing dozens of hostages is once again on the move and has been spotted close to the Somali coast, the European Union’s Naval Force Somali said Thursday.

In an update, EUNAVFOR said that a Spanish Maritime Patrol Aircraft overflew the pirate controlled FV Naham 3 and observed that the vessel had moved from its sea anchorage to a Somali beach in the Galmudug region.

The Naham 3 has been under the control of armed pirates since it was hijacked in the Indian Ocean on March 26, 2012 with 28 crewmembers. She had been tethered to MV Albedo, which was pirated in November 2010, for several months. The MV Albedo sank in shallow waters on July 7 and since then FV Naham 3 has been sighted sailing up and down the coast or at anchor.

The fate of the MV Albedo’s 15 crewmembers is yet to be confirmed following her sinking, at least not from EUNAVFOR. However, a report by Reuters said that four crewmembers were killed when the vessel sank and a later report from the Secretariat for Regional Maritime Security indicated that 11 crewmembers were still alive and being held on the Naham 3, along with her 28 crewmembers.

Since then, the Naham 3 has been under close watch by EUNAVFOR patrols. Recent aerial photographs have shown pirates wielding their weapons on the upper deck of the dilapidated fishing vessel, but no hostages have been seen in or near the vessel.

The EUNAVFOR update said that it believes that negotiations are on-going between a hostage support program and the pirates to try and secure the safe release of the hostages. Only time will tell really.

Somali pirates still hold a total of 54 hostages and just one vessel (the Naham 3), according to EUNAVFOR figures.

Source: G Captain

Somalia: Somali-Swede ‘died for his beliefs’ – brother

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The brother of Abdirahim Hassan, who was murdered on Wednesday in Somalia, told Swedish press that the young politician had died for his “belief in a peaceful world” in the shooting that also wounded his Swedish colleague.

“My brother stood up for justice and believed in a peaceful world,” Elias Hassan, 21, told media at a press conference in the Stockholm neighbourhood of Husby on Thursday.

“Unfortunately he died for what he stood up for.”

The Hassan family explained that Abdirahim had been working in the Somali capital Mogadishu since June on a democracy projected managed by the Swedish Left Party. The attack, in which a second person also died, has shocked the family deeply. His senior party colleague, Ann-Margarethe Livh, was wounded in the attack but is receiving medical attention in Kenya.

“We were worried about him, of course, but we never thought he would die,” Elias told the assembled press corps.

The family chose to bury Abdirahim in Somalia on Thursday.

“He loved his home country, so we decided to bury him there. But we will hold a memorial service for him (in Husby),” Elias said.

Source: The local

 

Somalia the Country of the Blind

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Recently elected government in Mogadishu, has managed less than a year reduce to high hopes to hopelessness, suppress dissent voices, turn optimism to despair, trust to abuse , division among fallow Somalis, as it escalated civil war to new heights. One have to find antidote of existence in midst chaos whatever it takes, to fight faceless enemy the Somali nations faces today. Recent activities of newly western formed government of Mogadishu, points that their loyalty belong to powers that elected, financed and neighbouring forces that continually undermine the integrity, sovereignty and interest of Somali nation.

Expedience manner that this government was deposited by bankrupted western powers brought to mind of many an alarming thoughts; immediately they saw seeds of distraction, division, and looting of nation’s wealth. Re drafting the constitution in such hastily approach should have sent warning flags.  From the swearing ceremony to daily events in streets of Mogadishu, strongly point out whose interest is being served and from what we are witnessing it certainly not for our nation purpose nor has ever been intended for.  From the start we have witnessed disturbing images taking place in swearing ceremony, where newly elected members of the parliament in queue, holding their hands up,  standing in front then official Somali president Augustine Mahiga with Quran. Called combination of poor judgment, ignorance and its simply repugnant, yet this has become our faith. Pledging oath of loyalty to the masters who financing destruction of your sovereignty, in the name of democracy.

It is miserable dilemma when Somali politicians and members of the parliament are really confused about the their role, duty, obligation and luck basic understanding governance function which is ludicrous and gets worse as they start to compete with each other outselling national wealth, as usual they rewarded with more media coverage, photo up with yet hungry entities that are disguised as donor while we poses the actual wealth.

In less than a year these imported stooges had managed to create unprecedented systematic looting on nation’s wealth, their quest for burglarising the nation is shameless and nothing less than a treason. Only way they know exhibiting their nationalism is wearing flag emblem in their hideous suits instead of wearing in their hearts. Here are the highlights of their accomplishment and destructive path they vision for the nation:

  • Host to thousands of private mercenary working alongside with UN and UNISOM forces to counter Al Shabaab, really why bother to have genuine  military forces we you can ask Britain to send more of their South African mercenaries, and that is the country that hosted July conference, which outcome was disastrous and disingenuous. As for the UN it become outdated, out touch, irrelevant and downright abusive power, corrupt, and enabler, complaint, and a tool of corrupt, bankrupt western audiology. In essence an abusive state of union. As for UNISOM a tool to tame our national identity and an illegal entity operating sovereign nation. Why with all this help young Somali men are not recruited to work with UNISOM, sent to Uganda, Kenya and other war torn African countries so they can be part of the peace keepers while earning living? We simply can’t continue this path.

 

  • Build illegal compounds with CIA to torture young Somali men, potential terrorist in the name of Al Shabaab or counterterrorism. The fact that sovereign state is used as Prison Island for the CIA to torture kidnaped young men, defies logic and barrier to security, nation building and obstacle of our sovereignty. Thanks to folks like Snowden a high school dropout government contractor to release illegal surveillance activities. They created The National Security Agency Surveillance Program, which legitimizes breaking international laws, and persecute indiscriminately certain nationals that our young men fit. Naturally what were bombarded daily is atrocity committed against Somali young men and open season to hunt them whether they are North America, Europe, Africa or Asia. They over emphasis our differences, internal conflict in order to legitimize their agenda, and won’t rest until they reduce Somali state to another Congo.

 

  • The worst actions Somali government under the command of President Hassan Sheik enacted was paving the way for IMF, after twenty two year-interval, and nation will be paying the price many year to come for his short sight ness and ignorance. He surrounded himself with men of shady background, dubious characters, lucking experience, loyal to foreign entities, whose references are questionable to held responsible positions.  The stooges that were cultivated streets of Nairobi are doing exactly what their masters installed for them, paving way for foreign interests to raid the nation’s wealth, while managing to destabilize federal unity and creating new pathways for newly emerging war lords in the name of Regional Presidents. Sadly they divide their loyalty between Kenyan government and Ethiopian government, these owned men show their national identity by wearing small flags in their shirts instead of their hearts. Emblem doesn’t replace nationalism, and in less than one year has certainly managed to commit worse than seven deadly sins. Reward for his compliance came early when Time (western propaganda magazine) earlier this year put him list of the person of the year nominated by President Paul Kagame, not bad year for unproven leader. Last Somali person who was nominated for same standard was Ayan Hersi.

 

  •  Under strict orders from President Hassan, with guidance former Prime minster Geedi, the Minster of Somali National Resources has revitalized Somali Petroleum Company, under two foreign entity and also managed to sign first oil contract to a British company that didn’t exist a month ago nor has experience in oil expedition. Sadly enough that was the outcome of London conference and off course closing on thriving remittance business the south part of Somali, they didn’t bother to wait for permission so they hastily stored a puppet regional government under Ras Kamboni Brigade Leader, Amed Mohamed Madoobe, for offshore oil permits granted to western companies. The consequence of London conference sewed seeds of destruction of nation’s wealth and to reintroduce colonial dogma in name building democratic institutions, and by closing thriving remittance business that thrived without western assistance for the past two decade. Freedom movement of money is privilege granted only for western nations and strong nations who can stand their own. The disastrous London conference also supports the creation of the largest correctional facility for Somali youth, instead of jobs, vocational training and schools.

 

  • Finally the gloves came off, Kenya and Ethiopia have cleared their intentions within two weeks we had a plain loaded with ammunition owned by Ethiopians crashed and no one is even asking who were the ammunition for forget the death Ethiopians. And Kenyan minister is an apologetic for her army illegal entering autonomous state. After the thirty years was European countries finally signed peace in 1648, and agreed to respect the principle of territorial integrity. Kenya justification of illegally entering/operating Somalia is unjustifiable and seeking to influence the Somali affairs and forcing intervention on our domestic matters is nothing less than declaration of war, and Somali has right to defend itself from foreign aggression and  occupation however it takes. No matter what even our weakest moments and midst of recovering from two decade of civil war, Kenyan and Ethiopians are not match for Somali warrior so what is holding us back.

 

By Muna Mimi

 

 

Somalia:Utterly baseless and unfounded allegations; against the President of Somalia.

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Ali Khaliif Galeydh who is the member of the parliament of Somalia accused the president of Somalia Hassan Sheikh Mohamud having link with the outlawed organization of Somalia, Alshabaab.

Mr Galeydh who have had a long political rift with the president of Somalia held repeated press conferences and interviews tarnishing the political reputation of the president stated that the Somali president of Hassan Sheikh was denied to attend or participate international meeting held in Europe, for the reason of suspicious sources unveiled clearly that the president have link with that terrorist organization illegally operates in Somalia for certain period of time in the past, Mr Ali Galeydh claimed that president have contacted the leaders of Alshabaab over the phone and Somali intelligence Agency will have interview with the parliamenterian when he goes back home and also will face imprisonment if unable to prove his accusations against the honourable leader of the country who definitely deserve respect and space of leadership to carry out his duties freely and finely.

The question is? Why Ali Khaliif Galeydh making this kind of very serious comments against the president of the nation who has been elected by his own people of being the right man for the right job, when Ali Khaliif Galeydh was also running to be the president of Somalia at that time with empty hands and unsuccessful and also he campaigned for to be the chairman of the Somali parliament later on, which again Somalis refused him to occupy for that position either. But, unfortunately mr Galeydh failed to be the president of Somalia, because he was not very competent and uncommitted to fulfill the obligations needed for the war-ravaged nation, in which international communities tried all they can to restore the law and order in Somalia and also rebuild the nation on the scratch thorough out infrastructures and governmental capacity, as every thing completely destroyed that makes warlords and outlawed organizations to be the only institutions and rulers exist there previously.

The parliamentarian Ali Khalif Galeydh campaigns for Jubaland state where vendetta against President of Somalia Hassan Sheikh Mohamud started, as the president attempts to avoid any division occurrence that will disperse the Somali Italian republic of Puntland, Jubaland, Baydhaboland and Hiraanland. However, the hostility and serious accusations Ali Galeydh made against the president are only envious and jealous politics war that damages the whole credibility and reputations of Somali nation, when such comments and baseless and unfounded allegations thorough out only power challenge launches carelessly to kill off or remove only, of course Ali has made huge mistake and disgrace against not only the president, but the complete Somali nation for making such comments and allegations as politician who expects exteme future of the country and the people, even though Ali Khaliif Galeydh considered to be Somalilander rather than Somali, because of root from the former British Protectorate of Somaliland who have direct talks with Somali Italian republic nowadays over business between the two.

When you are politician that tremendous character assassination is absolutely childish and unacceptable at all, if the president of the nation accused of terrorism related issues, there is no rays of hope from Somalia and international communities truly disappointed quite enormously for immature politics of Somali politicians like Ali khalif Galeydh, who totally does not understand the consequences of his accusations against his fellow countryman or politician.
What Ali Galeydh is not aware of is, that universe is only one village now, in which world intelligence organizations share very crucial channels of communications to keep the stability of every angle of the world with open eyes in all times, in order to save the precious lives of human beings and also common interest of the those particular world nations.

If the president of Somalia makes a leadership error towards his decision making that is an other case which Somalis resolve democratically and constitutionally, but unreliable sources of accusing the highest personnel of the nation, is just only act of traitor and puppet conducts of the likes of Ali Khaliif Galeydh who does not see the wider picture of politics and human relations that came to the platform unprepared and unequipped with the right tools needed to lead such nation and country.

Abdilahi Ali Hassan John
Liverpool/UK