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Somaliland: An Open letter to newly elected National Elections Commission!

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HARGEISA, 27 October 2009 (Somalilandpress) – With the current thorny political situation in Somaliland including tainted NEC process, you are circumspectly elected to assume the incomplete NEC election process, reassurance of public trust and creation of healthy election atmosphere. And also your experience, wisdom, timely, intrepid public communication and ingenuousness approach to election process will return the tarnished image of Somaliland during cat-fight drama.

Despite political differences between political parties, troublesome issue is about how to manage collected data and its integrity constraints including elimination of existing duplicates and its logistic aspect. It is a crucial to work as a team with identical objectives to achieve, professionalism, commitment and reliability. And also to seek assistance from expertise on unfamiliar matters that may arise during your assignments, particularly information technology sector including blurred server issue.

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Our expectations include, highly computer skills, full commitment, determination, and being modest and not to act as arrogant as your predecessor did – (Mr. Jamac Sweden) or become a problematic commission like those who earlier blew up entire process in a matter of days. In addition, your humble collaborations with colleagues and external entities or stakeholders will considerably increment the chance of succeeding this daunting task. Further, you are devout Muslims, under oath and decided to accept this position. Thus, rules of laws ought to be complied with no nepotism, corruption and any interferences presented by political parties must be made in public.

In accordance with your current curriculum vitae presented in the media, your computer skills appear to be limited and not abreast of the latest technologies and your dependency upon outside expertise will once again compromise the providence of this task. As core issue is somehow related to computers and servers, information technology expertise from Somaliland should be onboard to simplify information and also act as go-between entity. Imported information technology experts must be placed under Somaliland experts supervisions.

Demystifying server term

Server issue dominates much of the talk in Somaliland and it seems server quandary continues. In computer term, server refers to an application that runs on a specified computer which delivers services, software that make communication and data transportation possible between the main or master computer and other computers (client). There are numerous server types and each one designed to employ for specific purpose.

For instance, web server runs and transports data between your browser and computer (server) which stores web pages, printer server provides printer service and file server which also provides file services. Apparently, Somaliland needs the following components for the election and creation a permanent national database.

The most important and fundamental component is creating a national database , responsible to store citizens personal information such as last name , date of birth , finger print and facial data. It should be housed in the specific computer (server), highly secured and cooling temperature environment. Possible databases include MS access, mysql, and sql server .

Other components or top layers are software, called GUI (graphic user interface) that enables us to read these RAW data from national database and perform comparisons such as facial recognition and fingerprint software.

Finally, all stipulated components must function as one component and should be meticulously verified their compatibilities.

Good luck.

——————————————————————————–
Yours truly,
Mohammed Abdi Awciise Bahdoon, Bsc.
IT consultant @IBM, Canada
Former UNDP consultant @Hargeisa
Email: m_bahdoon@yahoo.ca

The S.land Independent Scholars Group: Implementation of the Six-Point Agreement and Learning from Our Recent Experience

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HARGEISA, 25 October (Somalilandpress) – In their 24th October meeting the ISG members discuss the implementation of recent six-point Agreement and lessons of recent political conflict in Somaliland. The meeting was sponsored by the Social Research and Development Institute (SORADI). It was moderated by its Director, Dr. Mohamed Fadal. The Somaliland Independent Scholar’s Group (ISG) members are all long-term participants of Somaliland rebuilding and democratization process, who are considered to be highly competent to provide an objective analysis and strategy to address the issues at hand. The ISG members are: Abdi-shakur Sh Ali-Jowhar (Psychiatrist and political analyst: warkamaanta.com), Amina Mohamoud Warsame (Executive Director of NAGAAD); Abdilkadir H Ismail Jirde (Ex-Deputy Speaker and Member of Parliament- now travelling), Shukri H. Ismail (Former National Electoral Commissioner and Member of African Democracy Forum and Chair of Candle Light); Ibrahim Jama Ali –Raite (Member of Parliament and Lawyer), Fawsi Sh. Yonis (Somaliland Lawyer’s Association); Abdi Ahmed Nour (Forum for Peace and Governance-FOBAG), Bobe Y. Duale (Research Coordinator, APD), Haroon H Ahmed Qulumbe (ActionAid), Jafar Mohamed Gadaweyne (SONSAF); Mohamed Hassan Ibrahim (Researcher-APD), Suad Ibrahim Abdi (Researcher-APD); Wais Muse (Executive Director of  Samatalis Coalition of Human Rights)), Dr. Mohamed Fadal, Director of (SORADI);Muse Abdi Elmi (U. of Hargeisa; Dean Academic Affairs) Dr. Yusuf Kariye (Researcher in  Anthropology; Hinda Mohamed Jama (an Associate of Burao University); Dr. Aden Abokor(Progressio Country Rep.)..

II. The Current Climate of Cooperation Among the Key Stakeholders

The Somaliland political temperature continues to be moderate, since the signing of the six-point Agreement (See www.soradi.org for the Agreement text). It is remarkable that the top leadership of the political parties, the President and Chairman of the House of Elders have so far refrained from attacking each other through the media, but instead have started the culture of discussing matters face to face. It is also remarkable that the President has initiated most of these meetings, something that the Somaliland people have expected from him all along.

Therefore, the process of constituting a new National electoral Commission (NEC) has been accomplished. The opposition parties and the two Houses of Parliament have also compromised on several outstanding issues including that they accepted to go along with the President’s uncompromising demand to change their first choice candidates for the NEC. The House of Elders, Kulmiye and UCID all changed their first choice candidates. On the contrary the President’s choices were not subject to such scrutiny from UCID, Kulmiye or even the Guurti.

The situation prevailing in Somaliland before the key stakeholders decided to go on the route of dialogue and compromise was quite explosive:

It was perceived that the President was seeking a one-year extension of his term from the House of Elders. Discussion of the issue in the House floor was concluded on a Thursday and the voting was set to take place on the next day Friday morning and could not even wait for the Saturday.

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In the House of Representatives an impeachment process against the President was tabled as an agenda for discussion. This agenda was being pushed by the opposition and it was believed to have a significant support in the House
From another front, it was alleged that UDUB members were pushing motions through both Houses of Parliament to unseat the two Speakers and replace them with their own supporters.

The two opposition parties discussed openly, with their Chairmen on the record, to form a joint parallel government, if the President succeeded to get an extension of one year from the House of Elders.

Public demonstrations, much more ferocious than before, were expected to follow the above moves.
 

Such an explosive situation has been diffused, people believe, by the President climbing down from the one-year extension demand and convincing his Guurti supporters to go along with the comprise route. The Guurti vote on the Friday morning was unanimous, to diffuse the crisis. What changed the President’s mind is beyond the scope of this paper and will be debated long after the event, but what matters is that with that decision sanity has been restored in the Somaliland politics. It also shows the power of the President’s actions whether he chooses to go along the dialogue and compromise route or otherwise. The hope now is that, the President and all other key stakeholders continue to cooperate to fulfil the responsibilities they have for the Somaliland people to lead them to free and fair elections.

III. On The New NEC

It took about tree weeks to constitute a new NEC and that is relatively fast in the Somaliland standards. However, in this regard one can cite few unfulfilled expectations: There is no female member again. Somaliland had only one female Commissioner and her performance, style of work and integrity has been exemplary. So many other sisters like her are aspiring to serve their nation as Commissioners. How long should we continue to deny them that right? Otherwise, the ISG considers this selection of the new Commissioner of a higher calibre than the lot they are replacing. The ISG welcomes the new NEC and commits itself to support it to face the challenge of leading this country to free, fair and peaceful elections.

The parliamentary approval process was expected to be rigorous. A House sub-committee was assigned to screen the individual members if they meet the criteria clearly outlined in the Electoral Law. However, the committee took five wasted days, because in the approval day, their efforts had no bearing on the House floor discussions and voting results and the process was anything but rigorous. The voting results were sixty-five votes for each of the seven members; there were no opposing votes or abstentions. Is that a normal thing? Certainly not, and the house members need to do a lot of soul searching on the matter; at end of the day, the vote is an individual matter and the MP is accountable for his or her decision. Finally it was not fair to the individual Commissioners, who came from different backgrounds and professions, to be dolled out with equal score marks from all 65 members of parliament voting.

The ISG wants to warn the new NEC not to be rushed into a hasty and ill-prepared hand-over ceremony. A proper audit of the institution has to be commissioned to avoid future complications of their work – The Financial matters, the institutional assets including equipment and transport and the Voter Registration equipment, materials and documents all need to be clearly accounted for.

Further more, all key stakeholders including the international partners have to be fully involved in the hand-over process. The new members will need to be trained to do their job properly. It is also important to build the structure of the organization. The Somaliland Government and the partner international community need to cooperate to build the institutional structure and capacity of NEC. On their part the new members need to take the responsibility to choose their international counterpart agency and with the proper contractual arrangements and MOUs and in a transparent and independent manner. In doing so, they will have to keep in mind that the Somaliland people are expecting them to organize the Presidential election in the fastest possible time. 
 
 

IV. Key Milestones in the Agreement

Milestones to cross include: New NEC is constituted; Expert assessment delivered; Final voter Registration List adopted; NEC sets the election date; and the Presidential term extended accordingly.

Among the above milestones only the first one is crossed so far – constituting the new NEC. That itself is a great success for Somaliland and the key stakeholders in this process need to be commended. However, the next most critical milestone is that the NEC sets the date for the Presidential election. To achieve that, NEC needs to facilitate the work of the Expert Assessment Team and also the production and adoption of the Final Voter Registration List. It is incumbent upon NEC in collaboration with its international partners to ensure this process does not complicate the steps that will follow, in terms of the time it takes and the quality of the results attained. Furthermore, NEC should use the prevailing climate of collaboration among key stakeholder to renew the commitment of the three political parties to accept whatever final list the neutral experts come up with. The goal is to fulfil people’s right to elect their President and not to fight over a list.

V. Recommendations for the Lessons not yet learnt

The two Houses of Parliament need urgently to revisit Electoral Law to enrich it with the lessons learnt from the recent experience.

To make the criteria for the selection of the Commissioners more defined and measurable

To remove what is not working in these criteria, such as the age limit of 60 years

To define clearly what should the approval procedure of the House of Representatives entail other than voting?

To define the legality of a pre-screening process before the list is submitted to the Parliament.

This refers to the controversy over the pre-screening conducted by the President on other member’s candidates.

The mandate of the National Electoral Commission need to be clarified more and on the basis of our recent experiences. This refers to the unilateral decision taken by NEC to suspend the Voter Registration results.

There should be sanctions defined in the Electoral Law for offences committed against it and against other agreements reached by stakeholders.

The Issue of Gender equity in the National Electoral Commission needs to be addressed by all the key stakeholders.

Somaliland, the Unrecognized State.

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Hargeisa Oct 24th, 2009 (SomalilandPress)-While violence in Somalia rages on, its less well known region of Somaliland is making tentative steps towards statehood

Hargeysa, Somaliland] With daily reports of chaos and violence wracking Somalia’s capital Mogadishu, the relative peace and tranquility of Somalia’s second largest city, Hargeysa, stands in stark contrast. The presence of foreigners freely walking and driving in the streets, and the absence of fear from kidnappings and killings in the capital of the Somaliland region, is something its larger sister city cannot boast.

Hargeysa, the city in the dust is Somaliland’s capital, a self proclaimed independent state having broken away from Somalia and declared its own administration in 1991, when Somalia was just beginning a civil war which has raged on ever since. While there are reports the self-directed authority runs its day-to-day tasks smoothly, the state remains unrecognized by any country or international organization.

For more than 18 years, Somaliland, situated in North West Somalia, has maintained some semblance of peace.

Somaliland’s formal borders were drawn in 1886, when the British established a protectorate over the northern regions of Somalia on the coast of the Gulf of Aden. It remained a British protectorate for nearly 80 years, until it gained its independence on June 26, 1960. Less than a week later it entered its ill-starred union with the former Italian Somalia in response to calls from Somali nationalists wishing to unite all the lands on which Somalis lived.

Bordered by Ethiopia in the south and west, Djibouti in the northwest, the Gulf of Aden in the north, and two other de facto independent Somali territories in the east, Maakhir and the Northland State, Somaliland occupies a crucial position.

“If the international community supported the independence of Namibia and Eritrea, then it should also be prepared to give the Republic of Somaliland a chance,” said Somaliland educator Mohamed Samatar Yusuf to The Media Line.

“Why should we force a relatively prosperous and peaceful nation to merge once more with the warring clans of South Somalia at the hands of which it suffered such oppression and hardship before and during the civil war?”

There are signs things are less than calm and peaceful beneath the surface.

In 2002, Dahir Riyale Kahin, a former colonel in the Somali army came to power and was later accused of taking part in what many Somalilanders have termed a genocide, but what others have termed ‘the irresponsible attack of tribal run government policies in its own territory’. He was sworn in as president shortly afterwards. Yet his re-election in 2003, the first public one-on-one election, was seen by some independent observers as a “free and fair election” and an example of Africa democracy.

However, his term in office has recently come under attack by the government’s main opposition party, Kulmiye.

Earlier this month the party condemned the incumbent president’s term extension which they described as “unconstitutional”, following the postponement of elections despite widespread public resistance. Riyale was elected for a five-year term which ended in April last year and in addition was given a one-year extension by the National Electoral Commission, which was due to end in April earlier this year.

Kulmiye, kept the government guessing about its plans to stage nationwide mass protests against the resolution passed by the House of Elders, which extended president Riyale’s term of office. The opposition party’s refusal to recognize the extension sparked violence and demonstrations in which six people were killed and clearly hit a nerve in government circles.

The government said that the recent mass protests against Congress’ resolution posed a direct threat to the country’s national security. The opposition claimed it was pursuing its constitutional right to stage peaceful mass protests against the illegal resolution, despite the fact that things spiraled out of control during the demonstration.

Analysts have compared the recent extensions of Riyale’s term without parliament’s approval to a form of dictatorship.

Nowadays, though the Somaliland government is reportedly making efforts to improve the public services, some people are questioning the government’s policy of using public funds and aid money.

Almost all Somalis describe the security as “clan oriented peace” in the region, despite the late Somaliland President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal having said that “Somaliland is no longer just a collection of clans but a nation in its own right.”

More than 73% of Somaliland’s population lives in poverty and 43% in extreme poverty. Unemployment is widespread, and according to Mohamed Abdinor, a Somaliland scholar, more than 78% of the population has no access to healthcare.

There are signs though of green shoots as streets are slowly being rebuilt and markets are springing up. Two universities and many colleges have been built recently without outside help.

Somaliland’s Finance Minister Awil Ali Du’ale said Somaliland is continuing to develop its local resources and variety of imported items.

“We’ve signed agreements with several international companies working on different resources,” he said.

There are presently four telecommunication companies operating in Somaliland and others are expected to become operational very soon.

But despite a growth in communication capabilities, media censorship remains strong.

“The media has a huge role in Somaliland but they are not really independent and cannot air the facts,” said a senior editor of a Somaliland newspaper who asked to remain unnamed.

He further added that Somaliland was reluctant to report its news as Somalia news, being as the nation was aiming to become an independent state.

“We have to be aware of what is happening around the world and in our country” said Mohamed Haji, a Hargeysa inhabitant.

Such sentiments are common, especially during the mornings in the city’s many cafes which are regularly crammed with people chatting about the latest news and politics.

Although there’s much optimism in Somaliland, the country’s progress is limited because aid donors and trade partners do not officially recognize its existence as an independent state. Its international trade relations are dependent on a handful of countries and private companies.

But with hopes running high for what looks to be a growing economy, its inhabitants are waiting for an independent and recognized government in the near future.

“We will not allow [for our country] to be united with Somalia” said 18 year old passionate high school student Mohamed Abdi, stating the main difference between the two nations was that Somaliland chose to take up peace rather than violence.

“We’ve no daily violence and killings; we would like to be an independent country soon. Hopefully it will happen,” smiling Abdi concluded.

Copyright © 2008 The Media Line. All Rights Reserved.

Rising numbers of illegal immigrants enter Somaliland

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HARGEISA, 23 October 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Immigration officials in the self-declared republic of Somaliland have expressed concern over the increase in the number of illegal Ethiopian migrants entering the region, with claims that up to 90 people are arriving daily, against 50 in 2008.

An immigration official, who requested anonymity, said most of those arriving in Somaliland were asylum-seekers from the Oromiya region of Ethiopia. Others transit through Somaliland en route to the Arabian Peninsula.

The exact number of Ethiopian refugees in Somaliland is unclear as the region’s authorities and the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, have different figures.

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Mohamed Ismail, the director of social affairs in the Ministry of Interior – charged with overseeing refugee affairs and asylum-seekers – said: “We consider 4,000 individuals as Ethiopian refugees but all the other people who live in Somaliland are not refugees; [they have] come to Somaliland for a better life.”

According to UNHCR Somalia, Somaliland has 1,600 Ethiopian refugees and more than 14,000 asylum-seekers.

“UNHCR has the responsibility of engaging in strong information campaigns targeting Ethiopians on their right to seek asylum if they are fleeing persecution in their country and of the rights they have as refugees,” Roberta Russo, a spokeswoman for the agency, told IRIN on 22 October.

However, a source in the Ministry of Interior said the last estimate by the ministry and UNHCR in 2006 was that at least 8,000 Ethiopian refugees were in Somaliland.

Saleban Ismail Bulale, chairman of the Horn of Africa Human Rights Organization, based in Hargeisa, said: “UNHCR has granted refugee status to only 1,500, but it is estimated that there are thousands of Ethiopians in Somaliland.”

Living on the streets

Asha Abdi, an Ethiopian mother of six living on the streets of Hargeisa, told IRIN: “My children and I left our home in Babuli town in Ethiopia’s Oromiya Region several months ago; we came because we had suffered lack of food for a long time.”

Hers is one of several Ethiopian families trying to survive on Hargeisa’s streets. “We live in the shade of local houses and beg for food to survive,” Asha said.

An Ethiopian official, who requested anonymity, told IRIN it seemed the UNHCR office in Hargeisa was encouraging asylum-seekers to enter Somaliland.

“Ethiopians emigrate to Somaliland in search of a better life; for example, they want to be relocated to a foreign country. You see them coming here and then going back to their homes after registering with the UNHCR office in Hargeisa as asylum-seekers,” the official said. “When their time comes for their relocation, they come back to Hargeisa.”

However, Russo said UNHCR did everything possible to inform the refugees of their rights and to ensure the protection mechanisms put in place were not abused.

In very few cases, she said, UNHCR offered the option of resettlement to a third country if the refugees faced insecurity in the country of asylum or if it was impossible for them to integrate. Russo added that this opportunity was offered to the most needy cases.

Source: IRIN

Downsize Cabinet: Suggestions to the TG in Somalia.

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Thursday,22 October 2009 (Somalilandpress)-As reported in the media the International Community is putting pressure on the Transitional Government in Somalia to downsize its cabinet. With 39 Ministers, by any standard, the TG has one of the largest cabinets. Somalia is grappling with all sorts of crises and one of them is bloated government. Because bloated government is a serious obstacle to nation building and governing. It makes sense for the TG to downsize its cabinet. It is an irony for a nation such as Somalia with a small population of 10 million to appoint 39 Ministers. It is worth mentioning that China which has the largest population of 1.5 billion has a mere 19 ministries. [1] For that reason, it is incumbent on us to suggest to the TG the following:

Revoke the 4.5 plan
The 4.5 plan was responsible for the creation of ineffective governance in Somalia. Since 2000, the 4.5 clan-based plan was used to form three transitional governments in Somalia. The main objective of the 4.5 scheme was to create inclusivity so that no community (clan) was left out. However, the 4.5 plan has been an impediment to effective governance in Somalia. It was also responsible for the creation of some of the largest and exotic cabinets in world.

Inclusivity is made by leadership not clans
The only way to form a durable government is by including everybody. Inclusivity is important to any government to acquire legitimacy and political capital. However, inclusivity is not acquired by clans splitting position. It is the task of a leadership which seeks mandate from a whole nation to include all so that everyone can feel the government is there to serve all. However, inclusivity without competence is futile.

Inclusivity should go hand-in-hand with competence
Without competence there can be no government worthy of governing. Responsibilities (positions) should be merited not given out like presents. Those appointed to serve in the cabinet and in other parts of government should be merited individuals from across communities. For that reason, inclusivity should go hand-in-hand with competence.

We the people of Somalia add the call to the TG to downsize its cabinet. The TG should heed the call of the International Community to revoke the inept 4.5 plan and downsize its cabinet. Without doubt, the 4.5 plan was wrong for Somalia. It was an archaic way of forming a government fraught with serious lapses. It is the task of a leadership to create inclusivity and form a government which is and be seen to be fair and inclusive. The TG should see the obvious and look into the relevance of some of its ministries. There are ministries which overlap. There are also ministries which are no longer part of modern governance. It is not for us to point out here which ministries overlap one another and which are the obsolete ones. It is for the TG to see and address the problem.

Notes
1. Republic of China information

Abdullahi Dool
Hornheritage@aol.com

Somaliland readies for presidential election

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HARGEISA, 20 October 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Inside the compound of the presidential mansion here, there is a circle of blue and white tiles about a metre across lying on the ground over a dirt mound. The decorative hump amid a dusty car park seems out of place, until a guard explains that it is a memorial.

Almost a year ago, a suicide bomber drove a lorry through the front gate of the compound and blew himself up at this spot, just metres from the president’s lavish two-story house. Five people died in the blast including the president’s secretary. Another 25 died in two other simultaneous attacks in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland.

Dahir Riyale Kahin, the president of Somaliland, was upstairs in his house when the bomb went off and was uninjured. Local authorities blamed the attack on al Shabab, an Islamic militia with ties to al Qa’eda that has been waging war in southern Somalia for the past two years.

The October 2008 Hargeisa bombings, a rarity in the normally stable northern breakaway region of Somaliland, underscored the threats faced by the man living in the president’s mansion.

An upcoming presidential election could install a new man in the president’s house for the first time in seven years, or it could put Mr Riyale back in the hot seat. Security will be a major issue of the campaign, as will gaining international recognition for Somaliland’s independence.

Unlike southern Somalia, which has been at war for two decades, Somaliland has a functioning government and security forces. It declared independence from Somalia in 1991, but so far no other nation recognises this and Somaliland remains a country that does not exist.

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“Recognition will come sooner or later,” Mr Riyale said in an interview from his mansion. “The international community will come to the conclusion that we have a right to self determination. We are a functioning state. There is no state in southern Somalia. We have become a victim of a failed state.”

Critics say Mr Riyale, the former vice president, has not done enough to achieve recognition since he ascended to power following the death of the previous president in 2002. He has yet to articulate a concrete plan for gaining recognition for Somaliland.

The last time Somaliland held a presidential election, in 2003, Mr Riyale beat his nearest challenger, Ahmed Mahamoud Silaanyo, by a mere 80 votes out of almost 500,000 cast. Then, an amazing thing happened: Mr Silaanyo stepped down quietly. Unlike in other African countries where hotly contested elections often lead to bloody protests, Somalilanders accepted the results peacefully and went on with nation building.

This year, Mr Riyale is back seeking another five-year term. Mr Silaanyo, a 72-year-old former resistance fighter, and Faisal Ali Waraabe, a professor who spent many years in Finland, are again his main challengers.

The election, which was scheduled for April 2008, has been delayed several times, most recently on September 27, because of security and logistical constraints. Politicians say it will now take place in January at the earliest.

As president, Mr Silaanyo, an economist and former minister of commerce, said he would empower women and youth, develop the country’s natural resources including exploiting potential oil reserves and keep the nation safe from Islamic insurgents.

“The president has passed his mandate, and he doesn’t deserve to be there,” he said in an interview from his quiet residence in the former house of a British colonial official. “If we agree [with the ruling party] on one thing, that is the need to protect ourselves from al Shabab. We do recognise the threat that they represent. We are on our guard as much as we can.”

The most comprehensive plan to achieve international recognition for Somaliland is from Mr Waraabe, 58, a soft-spoken Finnish citizen who entered Somaliland politics in 2001. Mr Waraabe, the dark horse candidate in the election, said he can achieve recognition within one year if elected.

“First we need to make a viable state that respects human rights,” he said. “Then we will activate the more than 400,000 Somalilanders in the diaspora and use them to lobby to get recognition in their home countries.”

Mr Waraabe said a strong government would serve to counter violent extremism. “Terrorism is a result of anarchy. If we make a strong state, there won’t be groups like al Shabab.”

While he did not outline a specific plan to achieve recognition, Mr Silaanyo said self-determination would come once the international community realised Somaliland is the most stable region of Somalia.

“We pride ourselves in being an oasis of peace,” he said. “It is the only asset we have … Once we are more developed, we will be able to sell ourselves to the international community.”

Mr Riyale, for his part, is running on his record of creating security in Somaliland. Suicide bombers did manage to kill innocent Somalilanders last year, but that was an isolated incident, he said, and al Shabab and its sympathisers in Somaliland have been pushed underground.

“We are the only government in the Horn of Africa that is fighting terrorism,” he said. “I am doing a lot to bring stability to this country.”

Source: TheNational

Re: 2010 Terror Plot

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JOHANNESBURG, 20 October 2009 (Somalilandpress) – “Somali’s in Khayelitsha and other informal settlements in South Africa are more worried about Survival and Xenophobia-but not terrorism” Saeed Furaa.

I respond to recent unconfirmed media reports that published allegations made by Prof Hussein Solomon, head of the International Institute of Islamic Studies in Pretoria discrediting the Somali Community in South Africa by linking them to terrorism.

Prof. Solomon claimed that Somali “militants” had already established terror cells in South Africa, ahead of the 2010 World Cup and linked the National Intelligence Agency’s recent interception of a telephone call, reportedly made from Khayelitsha, to a supposed Al-Qaeda-linked Al-Shabaab extremist group in Somalia, which reportedly discussed a plot to blow up American interests in South Africa.

As a Somali national in South Africa, let me make it clear that we have been living under imminent threats from local communities where we conduct small businesses. We fear that with these baseless claims we could be singled out as targets by xenophobic elements. Lorna Daniels spokesperson for the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), comment on this report as devoid of truth and questions should be asked about why “information peddlers” were trying to create needless “hysteria” on the matter. That was the view of Lorna Daniels, spokesperson for the National Intelligence Agency (NIA), speaking to VOC’s Drivetime on Tuesday.

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I challenge Professor Solomon to present concrete evidence to substantiate his claims as an academic. Otherwise, I’m afraid that we could see the return of horrible events of last year’s inhuman xenophobic attacks which left many foreigners dead and thousands displaced. For the past ten years, more than 700 Somalis have been brutally killed in South Africa, according to the Somali Community Board of South Africa.

It is my respectful submission that the publications though serving a major national issue (if it exists) has the irreversible potential of furthering the divisions which exists between foreigners and South Africans.

On the other side, any attempt to disturb the 2010 Soccer World Cup smoothness not undermines the spirit of South African citizens, but also African renaissance, Pan Africanism and this continent’s unity, development and co-operation. Indeed 2010 is a great event which we as Africans from Cape to Cairo, from Somalia to South Africa, have been anticipating.

I am not only setting out my discontent with how the media carelessly went about publishing the article without having regard to what the information may cause. It is further my view that to have a proper and meaningful conversation about this matter is to keep it the relevant department, NIS. The assertion thereby made by media house is that the public has a right with a corresponding duty to know about these things we do not have to quarrel about the sensitivity or lack of sensitivity thereof. It is also true that most Somalis who are currently in South Africa are here to pursue business opportunities and they are thriving at that.

The media houses in publishing the article, which evidently is without merit undermines the security issues faced by thousands of Somali’s currently residing in South Africa.

Written by: Saeed Furaa
E-mail: saeedmohamed1@hotmail.com

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Saeed Furaa : is a freelance journalist, university student based in Johannesburg, South Africa.

Cameron’s Britain: Many winters of discontent ahead for the new immigrant communities of the UK if David Cameron becomes the next Prime Minister

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HARGEISA, 20 October 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Ahh bless. Just like us ordinary folk they just want things to improve in the UK. They, like us, understand how difficult the last two recessionary years have been on individuals and ordinary families who have been unable to fulfil their “responsibility” to provide for themselves and their families as a result of mass redundancies. They also point out that under our current one eyed, Scottish leader, Mr. Brown, Great Britain has lost its moral, economic and political direction as a result of his overspending on essential public services and his attempt to spend his way out of a recession. Britain, in order to be great once again, needs its modern, reformed, ordinary blue knights in shining armour led by David Cameron to rescue it from economic and social oblivion.

At the last Conservative party conference before the general election, David Cameron outlined his vision for Britain in a bid to win over voters with his understanding of the difficulty of the road ahead to be taken by the next government and his solutions to repairing “broken Britain”. He also went on to say that the Conservative Party he leads is no longer the nasty party of the past who are still remembered for the Poll tax, poor spending record on key Public services and mass class inequality in all spheres of life from education to employment. Mr. Cameron was determined to convince all of his audience, both in the auditorium and on television, that not only has the Conservative Party changed under his reign but it has also become what New Labour had promised to be in 1997, a CARING Party.

Addressing the thousand or so delegates who gathered in Manchester to hear his key note speech, Mr. Cameron stated that his new caring Conservative government “would “reward those who take responsibility, and care for those who can’t”. He made reference to three people who had written to him complaining about New Labour’s injustice and backwards policies that have penalised the hardworking and elderly whilst rewarding the lazy and criminals with broken families. As if to mock New Labour on its core policies and its ideological commitment to social justice, equality and fairness, Mr. Cameron went on to accuse them of betraying the very poor they promised to lift out of poverty for the last 12 years of their administration through the equivalent of a stealth tax if anybody within this group tried to escape the cycle of poverty by seeking employment. Yes, he said, he will be forced to cut public spending but he would, as soon as he could, start reinvesting in public services, unlike other Conservative Prime Ministers like Thatcher and John Major before him. In addition to this, Mr. Cameron also spoke about the reasons why he felt he was fit enough to lead Britain to better days ahead and he concluded with his vision for a Conservative Britain come next election:

“I see a country where more children grow up with security and love because family life comes first. I see a country where you choose the most important things in life – the school your child goes to and the healthcare you get. I see a country where communities govern themselves – organising local services, independent of Whitehall, a great handing back of power to people.

I see a country with entrepreneurs everywhere, bringing their ideas to life – and life to our great towns and cities. I see a country where it’s not just about the quantity of money, but the quality of life – where we lead the world in saving our planet. I see a country where you’re not so afraid to walk home alone, where you’re safe in the knowledge that right and wrong is restored to law and order. I see a country where the poorest children go to the best schools not the worst, where birth is never a barrier.”

After such a sombre speech glazed over with hope, one would be forgiven for falling for Cameron’s charm and common sense approach to tackling Britain’s huge economic deficit and many social problems. But have the Conservatives really changed? Can Cameron be trusted? Can choice really free individuals from poverty and extensive control from big government? Despite his dreamy, utopian Britain, one must ask, what does Mr. Cameron’s vision for a conservative Britain mean for the Somali community and the new immigrant communities in the UK?

For some, Mr. Cameron’s vision will deliver great hope and prosperity especially if they are able to choose the important things in their lives such as their children’s education and healthcare. The proposed consumer choice will lead to competition within the individual markets which in turn would lead to excellence and even price wars if there are enough providers of these services. However, for most, especially the poor, lower middle classes on low incomes and immigrants who generally rely on New Labour’s large state for vital support, Mr. Cameron’s choices will bring misery as they will not be able to afford it.

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The facts are that, despite Mr. Cameron’s leadership and his attempts to change the Party, the Conservative Party in the UK is still the party of big business and the few over the masses. They still remain committed to lower taxes, repealing the European Convention on Human Rights 1998, privatization of key public services as well as educational inequality through the promotion of grammar schools and parental choice based on parent’s ability to pay for their children’s education and not the Childs ability.

Mr. Cameron’s long winded speech attacked New Labours Policy record on all fronts but despite been rich in rhetoric; his own speech was policy free. Whilst he accepted that he would have to make the difficult choices if and when he won the next general election, he made no attempt to discuss his policies, if he had any, with his audience. This was not surprising as his only policy was properly to cut, cut and further cut public spending in all areas.

Public spending is and has been crucial to the survival of the new immigrant communities such as the Somalis in the UK as it has provided for them when they were unable to provide for themselves. Most Somali and immigrant families depend on welfare support provided by government to house, feed and clothes themselves and whilst it may not be much, it has been enough to allow for a generation of Somali children to be brought up and educated to take this burden over from the State.

Whilst the Labour government spent generously on all public services such as the National Health Service, Social Housing, welfare and benefits as well as education, the Somali community and the new immigrant communities such as the Kurds of Iraq cannot rely on this level of generosity from the Conservatives. In fact, the Conservatives party has pledged to curb immigration as well as swiftly return failed asylum seekers back home to their countries. This arguably is why Mr. Cameron has been campaigning tirelessly for a British Bill of Rights to replace the Human Rights Act 1998 which makes it difficult for any of its signatories within the EU to send back an asylum seeker to a place where their guaranteed Human Rights could or would be breached by the receiving State. Even if they maybe lucky enough to receive asylum under the Conservatives, many vulnerable asylum seekers will receive the most minimal, if any, support at all from the government in terms of food, shelter and education for their children if Mr. Cameron manages to repeal the Human Rights Act 1998 and replace it with his own watered down, loop hole ravaged Bill of Rights.

Mr. Cameron sees a country full of entrepreneurs and individual and familial choices. He has made responsibility and family the centre of his vision but he has forgotten that in order for the public to take responsibility for their lives they need employment which is not available to them at present due to the recession. The future cuts in the education budget will ensure that those who want to learn the skills to enter the job market will have no choice but to stay in the benefit system because there just will not be enough funding to participate in the courses freely as most do now under New Labour. Worst still, as the education cutbacks will also be targeted at secondary and primary schools, the children of these immigrants can look forward to an educational experience and future characterised by post code lottery, privatisation, league tables and less teachers and equipments.

If Cameron does win the next general election and does as he has promised at the conference then perhaps the party he leads can shake of the nasty party image that it has nurtured over its political history. However, I do not believe that this is possible.

The fact is that Cameron and the conservatives just want to win power and will say anything to win the next election, but history tells us that despite much promise of reform over its political history the conservative party still remains the party of the few and big business. Edmund Burke the Statesman, MP and the man many historians dub the father of modern Conservatism argued that in order to conserve, the Conservatives must change and by changing its image, Cameron wants to Conserve the core values of the party he leads. These core values are public spending cuts and privatisation, both of which immigrants cannot afford.

Of course, the next Political party that wins the British elections will need to make public spending cuts in order to pay back the national debt but, whilst Labour promises to do this temporarily until the books are balanced, Mr. Cameron will not be satisfied until the Public sector is on its knees and what ever public services left operating are auctioned of to the highest private bidder.

Cameron’s Britain promises to be different but it will be a Britain characterised by inequality, social injustice and division. The choices he promises come with price tags which most ordinary people cannot afford and those most vulnerable in society will fall victims to the Conservatives misguided Darwinian social philosophy. Cameron’s Britain promises many winters of discontent for the majority in the UK, especially for the new immigrant communities such as the Somalis who cannot afford his proposed choices.

Liban Obsiye, Bristol
libanbakaa@hotmail.com

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Remembrance Day for those who lost their lives for the sake of SL Independence.

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Ottawa, 19 October 2009 (Somalilandpress) Remembrance Day for those who lost their lives for the sake of SL Independence Somaliland is remembering the brave men and women who lost their lives in the struggle for independence and for the freedom and peace we are enjoying today. October 17th is worth remembering for many reasons.
Somaliland and its people have been in dark ages for so many years. But we have never been terrorized before Barre’s regime. We remember the draconian measures imposed on us after the SNM increased its pressure on the regime. We remember the indiscriminate raids and bombing campaigns which killed so many innocent people and destroyed Hargeisa to the ground and made it to like a deserted city.

After the collapse of the Government in Somalia, the SNM has declared independence with the presidency of Abdirahman Tuur (God bless him). There was a period of instability when the SNM unfortunately over stepped its success and put pressure on some communities they suspected as collaborators of Barre’s regime. Many innocent people who deserve to be remembered died from the SNM guns. However, after two ineffective years, clan elders gathered in Borama to diffuse the distrust and uncertainty created by SNM. They changed Abdirahman Tuur with Egal( God bless both men).

Peace has started with Egal. He put the country on the road to independence, reconciled grievances among the disillusioned groups and made Somaliland to recover from the dark events in the past. He started the process by which democracy rules over the elders and democratically elected leaders take control but he passed away before he implemented the process.

After Egal’s death, his vice president and the current President, Mr. Rayaale, has put forward the agenda for elections to take place at local, legislative and Presidential levels. The present three political parties have been competing for the presidency since then.

There are many challenges ahead. All other challenges can be reached locally if our leaders are working for our interest by being patient for the political process to take its course peacefully and democratically in Somaliland. But the most important of all is the process for recognition. We can get the long sought recognition if we are united and respect each other. It is a long process to achieve but at end we can win that price if the hardcore SNM groups swallow their pride and we-died-for-it mentality and let the process of democracy to be completed peacefully and with less mistrust among people.
Remembrance Day for veterans is not a day for politics but a day of prayers for those who died for our independence. Whether they died from the bullet of the regime and/or from SNM, they deserve to have a special place in history. It is also a day for advocating for those who lost their loved ones in the struggle. Among those are the disabled Veterans, widows, and the orphans.

It is clear from their speeches of politicians who spoken in the occasion that our politicians cannot resist politicizing every event. Those who spoke in the memorial ceremony were all trying to gain political points on the expenses of those who died for our freedom. Shame on them! It is time to reflect our suffering in general and in particular to pray for those who lost their lives for our independence. Those politicians who wanted to gain a point are indifferent to our cause and do not deserve to be in that ceremony. The remnants from the Hardcore of SNM must also be reminded to not waste time in indulgence of their previous bravery and sacrifices but focus on the many local, regional, and international issues facing us at this moment and in future.

God Bless those who died in our struggle for independence

Mohamed Mousa
Canada.
mmousa@rogers.com

Eritrea fanning conflict in region.

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One of the frustrations with which Africa’s friends have had to repeatedly cope over the years has been the seemingly utter incapacity of the African leaders to deal with their more problematic peers: witness the annual African Union (AU) summit’s literal embrace of Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe last year on the very morrow of a farcical “re-election” criticised the pan-African organisation’s own monitors or, with a few honourable exceptions, its circling of the wagons around Sudanese despot Umar Hassan al-Bashir earlier this year after the International Criminal Court indicted him for crimes against humanity and war crimes for his role in the humanitarian disaster in Darfur.

Thus it is even more bitterly disappointing when, on the few rare occasions the continent’s leaders do manage to get their act together and turn against one of their own, as they did this year with Eritrea’s Isaias Afewerki—whose regime has not only supported a terrorist-led Islamist insurgency in Somalia, but been implicated in numerous efforts to destabilise countries throughout the Horn of Africa—that their efforts have been largely ignored, to the detriment of both the African states immediately bearing the brunt of the assaults from Asmara and the broader security interests of the international community.

While, for the moment, the ongoing conflict in southern and central Somalia is perhaps the most urgent crisis in which Eritrea’s meddling has worsened the situation, it is by no means the only one in the subregion being stoked by Isaias Afewerki.

In April 2008, Eritrean troops crossed the border into Djibouti and fortified positions near Ras Doumeira on the Red Sea.

Two months later, Djiboutian forces came under fire from the Eritreans, sparking a brief conflict during which Djibouti received logistical support and intelligence from its former colonial power, France, which maintains a not insignificant military presence in the country as does the US Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), based at Camp Lemonier.

Of course, it should come as no surprise that Isaias Afewerki was willing to pick a fight with Djibouti, a tiny statelet the size of Massachusetts with a population of barely half a million.

Just a decade ago, he was just as prepared to commence hostilities with Ethiopia, a country whose population of 85 million is fifteen times the size of Eritrea’s and with a GDP is at least twenty times larger.

The resulting two-year war—which an international panel at the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague ruled in a 2005 decision to have been due to Eritrea’s violation of international law “by resorting to armed force on May 12, 1998 and the immediately following days to attack and occupy the town of Badme, then under peaceful administration” by Ethiopia—left at least 100,000 dead and cost untold billions of dollars in damages.

Regrettably, it is not only that repeated appeals from African regional organisations have not only fallen on deaf ears, but there seems to be evidence that of a wilful refusal to face the reality of the situation.

Two weeks ago, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon submitted to the Security Council the semi-annual report on Somalia that he has been tasked with preparing.

Astoundingly, in a twenty-page document that is supposed to access the Somalia’s political and security situation, Eritrea is mentioned only once and then only to report without comment US Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton’s August 6 admonishment that “with respect to Eritrea we are making it very clear that their actions are unacceptable their interference with the rights of the Somali people to determine their own future are the height of misplaced efforts and funding and we intend to take action if they do not cease.”

The UN chief devoted more space in the document to expressing concern about illegal exports of livestock and charcoal from Somalia and bemoaning human and drug smuggling.

No wonder on astute observer, Jacob Heilbrunn, in a hard-hitting analysis in the July/August issue of Foreign Policy, characterised Ban as “nowhere man,” “the world’s most dangerous Korean,” and “a dilettante on the international stage,” noting that, even in the undistinguished company of his immediately predecessors, Ban “appears to have set the standard for failure.”

Pham is senior fellow and director of the Africa Project at the National Committee on American Foreign Policy in New York City.