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Two Somali Journalists Injured in Separate Shootings

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New York, 18 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) — Two Somali correspondents for international media outlets were injured in separate shootings, one in the northeast semi-autonomous region of Puntland, and the other in the capital, Mogadishu, according to local journalists and news reports.

In the Puntland city of Galkayo, northeast of Mogadishu, a police officer fired on the car of Mohamed Yasin Isak, a local correspondent of the Somali-language service of U.S. government-funded Voice of America, at a checkpoint in front of the regional governor’s office, according to Media Association of Puntland. Local journalists counted at least 15 bullets holes in Isak’s car. One shot struck the journalist in the upper arm, causing a minor injury.

Police commander Col. Muse Ahmed Muse Hasasi told local reporters that the unidentified officer fired because the journalist’s car was speeding and appeared suspicious, according to news reports. Speaking to CPJ, Isak denied the allegations. “Am I crazy? How can I drive high speed through a police checkpoint?” he said.

Hours before the shooting, local journalists told CPJ, Hasasi had come uninvited to a meeting of the local press and threatened Isak with unspecified harm. Journalists had gathered to discuss an incident on Monday where security forces assaulted several journalists and blocked others from attending a meeting of the local government about growing insecurity.

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“We are alarmed by reports that police fired on Mohamed Yasin Isak’s car only hours after a police officer had threatened to harm him,” CPJ Deputy Director Robert Mahoney said. “We call on the authorities to investigate both the threat made against our colleague and the shooting at the checkpoint.”

Isak has been the target of arrest and censorship by the Puntland government since August in connection with his coverage of a spate of unsolved assassinations of public figures in the relatively peaceful Mudug region, according to local journalists. Isak told CPJ he feared for his safety but would continue working. “Journalism is my skill, it’s my job. It’s the one thing I know,” he said.

In Mogadishu, a bullet fired during skirmishes between Somali government forces and Islamist fighters struck Abdirahman Warsame, a correspondent of Chinese government- owned Xinhua News Agency, in the left arm, according to the National Union of Somali Journalists. Warsame was awaiting a friend in front of Banadir Hospital in Mogadishu’s Medina district, when the fighting began, the journalist later told CPJ. He said doctors could not extract the bullet lodged in his arm. As for pain, “I am fine,” he told CPJ.

“The shooting in Puntland and the wounding in crossfire in Mogadishu of Abdirahman Warsame underscore the risks taken by the small number of journalists still trying to bring us news from Somalia,” CPJ’s Mahoney said.


Source: CPJ

Somalia: Some 350 Troops Complete Training in Djibouti

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MOGADISHU, 17 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Djibouti prime Minister Dileita Mohamed Dileita today attended the
ceremony to mark the end of training of some 350 Somali soldiers by France.

The charge d’affaires at the Somali embassy in Djibouti, Mr Abourhaman Mohamed Hirabe, the French ambassador, Mr Dominique Decherf, the chief of staff of French forces stationed in Djibouti (FFDJ), Brig Gen Thierry Caspar-Fille-Lambie, as well as several top Djibouti and French military officers also attended the ceremony which took place at Myriam Camp some 70 kilometres from the capital.

Following in the example of the first group of 154 elements of the Somali security forces trained by France a few months ago, the second contingent of 350 men also received training that lasted about six weeks.

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The training overseen by the 5th RIAOM [French Overseas Interarmy Regiment] was aimed at instilling in the Somali soldiers the basics of international law of war and to create the beginnings of a group spirit.

It is worth noting that the French government had broached with the European Union a suggestion of training 3,000 additional Somali security forces, a plan which will goes in hand with the training of national coast guards in the area. Financed by Japan and the EU, a centre based in Djibouti with the support of Kenya, Oman, Tanzania,
but also the provinces of Somaliland and Puntland will open in January 2010.

France’s support for the transitional government and more precisely its participation in the putting together of a Somali national security force comes in the framework of UN Resolution 1872, France’s ambassador to Djibouti explained, adding that he was convinced that the process launched by his country opens a new path to the reconstruction process and the pacification of Somalia.

Mr Abourhaman Mohamed Hirabe, the Somali embassy in charge d’affaires, has for his part on behalf of the Somali government expressed his gratitude to Djibouti and France for their efforts towards peace and stability in Somalia.

By: Abdinasir Mohamed
Somalilandpress
Mogadishu-Somalia

Gearing up for prevention: The Hajj meets H1N1.

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(CNN) — For many Muslims it’s the journey of a lifetime: making the Hajj pilgrimage. Almost 3 million faithful, together, in the city of Mecca, Saudi Arabia. But this year, the Hajj could become an incubator for the H1N1 virus.

At a Muslim community center in Duluth, Georgia, American Muslims pray and prepare for the Hajj. Lateefa Khan is here with her husband, Zakerullah. She has mixed emotions. They are leaving their children behind but say they look forward to the worship.

“It is very exciting. An amazing experience,” Khan says. “I am looking forward to worshipping, focusing all my time on worshipping.”

Khan will take precautions to avoid H1N1, also known as swine flu, at the Hajj. They’ll carry hand sanitizer and will be “frequently washing our hands, trying to stay as clean as possible.”

The Khans, along with a number of people at the center who are going on the Hajj, also are getting H1N1 inoculations.

Dr. Asif Saberi gives them a short lecture on how to prepare and encourages everyone to have their shots at least seven days before traveling. He says the Saudi government is doing a lot to protect pilgrims, but “the magnitude of the problem is the magnitude of the numbers of people who attend the Hajj.”

When it comes to using hand sanitizer and wearing masks, Saberi says he encounters confusion about religious dictates and flu prevention. According to Muslim beliefs, for example, men in a state of pilgrimage should not wear any stitched items or touch alcohol. So what about wearing face masks or using alcohol-based sanitizers?

“One of the basic principles on which shariah (Islamic law) is based is the protection of the health,” he says. “So if protection of the health is of such paramount importance, then the ritualistic significance of not wearing stitched clothes on your body is subservient to the need to maintain good health. And therefore wearing a mask is important. Using the sanitizer, which prevents this disease from spreading to others, is important.”

Saudi Arabia has been preparing for the influx of millions of pilgrims. It won’t turn away anyone who wants to come to the Hajj, but it is urging other countries not to let children younger than 12, people older than 65 or pregnant women make the pilgrimage.

The Saudi health minister went on television with his daughters, publicly getting their H1N1 flu shots, part of a campaign to alleviate fears about the vaccine.

The kingdom also is using sophisticated technology — thermal screening equipment at entry points and mobile devices to document suspected cases of the flu.

Dr. Ziad Memish, assistant deputy to the Saudi health minister and co-author of a paper on Hajj and H1N1 published in Science magazine, said the government consulted 25 international experts, who joined with 25 Saudi experts, to discuss how to prepare.

“We had the team inspect the airport, the seaport, the regional lab that tests for the influenza,” he said. “And then we had a review of all the evidence regarding the different strategies that should be used to prevent the spread of the disease during the mass gathering of the Hajj.

“We have relied on a collaborative program with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, where they are helping us setting up a system that was used in the Hurricane Katrina disaster, and I think the system has already been tested and it is working perfectly well.”

In Washington, Louise Gresham, director of health security and epidemiology at the Nuclear Threat Initiative — which also works to reduce global biological threats — looks at a report tracking the spread of H1N1 in the Middle East. Gresham describes the risks:

“Picture, if you can, that 1 million people will come together in a single mosque at any given time during the Hajj. Picture that crowding over an extended period of time, and that’s a test. A test not just for each individual pilgrim, but it is a real test for disease detection.”

The Nuclear Threat Initiative supports a groundbreaking surveillance system in the Middle East, called the Middle East Consortium on Infectious Disease Surveillance. It brings together public health leaders and representatives from academic institutions and private health care facilities in Jordan, Israel and the Palestinian Authority. It was started seven years ago, during the height of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

“They actually started writing a plan for food-borne disease outbreaks, but they started a pandemic preparedness plan,” Gresham says. “When H1N1 came along, this put them in a perfect position, because they were practiced, they were rehearsed and they had built great, great trust.”

As part of this cooperation, Israel is supplying Gaza and the West Bank with H1N1 vaccinations for those who make the religious journey.

That trust, plus international cooperation, will be crucial in protecting pilgrims.

For those like Fayzah Abu Ayadah, faith outweighs fear.

“Even if we die there, it is not important,” the Palestinian says. “The important thing is to go for the Hajj.”

Source:CNN

Romance of the Ransom

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Baraawe, 16 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – To outsiders Somalia is a remote and forsaken land, drenched in blood, clogged by diseased refugees and doomed to irreversible destruction and hopelessness.

But one town in my country is a seaside oasis of pleasure, tranquillity and glamorous beaches — as well as cardboard boxes crammed full of hard United States dollars.

This is Baraawe, south of Mogadishu, in Somalia’s southeast corner, home to daring bands of sea robbers, deceptive fishing canoes and, overlooking the port from a distance, heavily armed foreign frigates.

The town is the ultimate movie-style fantasy; an Eldorado in a troubled land where the pirates are heroes, distributing in Robin Hood fashion the wealth they crudely accrue at sea.

They might be “heartless terrorists and renegades” to the outside world, but the mothers in Baraawe dream of giving their daughters in marriage to the pirates. No wonder then that pirate weddings have become hugely popular and semi-official attractions on the town’s weekly calendar.

“Welcome to Baraawe: land of the connected, land of the playful” reads the huge Arabic sign on the road into the town. And for a moment when you arrive you have to pinch yourself to remember that you’re still in Somalia.

There are no potholes, no crumbling roads, no broken TV and cellphone towers. The Italianate seaside villas are lavishly painted, not pockmarked by bullets. The town has become the fourth pirate capital of Somalia.

Multimillion-dollar ransoms have transformed it in just five years from a forgotten fishing village to a thriving commercial centre selling expensive watches, motorbikes, electrical gadgets and even swine flu vaccine, as one merchant-smuggler boasts.

Speakers from seaside verandas blast Bon Jovi hits and the streets are crammed with people buying the freshest tuna fish at the beachside market.

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Cellphone towers and even an internet kiosk give a semblance of quasi-governmental order, provided by a mix of clan warlords and heavily armed pirates.

The pirates are ambitious young men in their early 20s, former fishermen and well-trained ex-police officers — and they’re the talk of the town. Young boys barely into their teens see no sense in seeking even a basic education; neither do they want to follow most Somalis into exile by making the great trek to Kenya or dhow-boating across the Horn of Africa to Dubai.

Talk to them on the streets of Baraawe and their eyes brighten up as they describe counting “the greens”. The area has one of the heaviest concentrations of small ammunition, rocket grenades and heavy machine guns in Somalia — yet peace and tranquillity prevail in Baraawe.

“‘Instead of turning onm the throats of our fellow Somalis like they do in Mogadishu, here our guns bring the wealth and secure the town,” boasts “Terrenco”, a self-styled pirate “colonel”, who says he has 12 years’ experience in the business.

Throughout the day you can see boatbuilders matching the industriousness and craftmanship for which Sicily is renowned: they’re making a smart killing by rushing to satisfy their clients impatiently waiting to enter the sea.

The cash-intoxicated pirates willingly part with $8 000 (about R60 000) for a small kayak — a pittance for them considering that one Dutch shipping and freight company recently handed over €800 000 (almost R9-million) in ransom.

So Baraawe’s mothers urge their budding teenage girls to marry the buccaneers. Not that the girls themselves need much motivation: going down the aisle with a pirate guarantees endless food on the table, luxury dresses and saving your family from starvation and destitution.

And pirates as young as 20 have up to five wives: one excited buccaneer boat driver recently boasted about the $3 000 (just more than R22 000) he’d forked out for his fourth and newest wife.

If you happen to see a pirate wedding procession on a Saturday in Baraawe, you could be forgiven for thinking that a Western VIP must be in town.

Outrageously shiny new Porsche Cayennes are sandwiched by pricey Harley Davidson diesel motorbikes manned by excited pirates brandishing advanced weaponry in a defiant and triumphant show of macho-man pride.

It’s a simple show of pirate brotherhood on both sea and land whenever one of them ties the knot. The sea dollars provide lusty feasts of beef, Thai rice and potatoes freely for the whole town.

You might be jolted for a moment by Kalashnikov rifle fire cracking through the wedding tents, but laughing wedding ushers will reassuringly calm you with a bottle of Bells Scotch whisky. The sound of guns, you learn, is routine when pirates marry: a 17-bullet salute is the sea-venturing tradition.

When the time for presenting the wedding gifts arrives, the role of pirate dollars in oiling Baraawe’s economy during the global cashcrunch becomes even clearer. Wildly smiling pirates — young and old — outdo one another in throwing flashy Blackberrys, six-CD hi-fis and gold necklaces into the gift dishes.

Excited (and intoxicated) men in camouflage kit dance with wads of new greenbacks on their heads before dropping their loot spectacularly into the dishes. Her Majesty’s Chancellor of the Exchequer would turn green and hot with envy.

Perhaps the pseudo peace-building summits held in plush foreign capitals to seek solutions to Somalia’s woes should take a tour of Baraawe.

How unbridled fun and ease thrive as an oasis within atrocity, horror and death would at least make for some crazy report-backs from delegates.

By: Rafik Muhammad Dhana

Source: Mail & Guardian Online

The Emergence of ‘Sky Pirates’ in Desperate Somalia

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HARGEISA, 16 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Diyaarada way afduuban tahay. The four words, screamed by a mad man wielding a pistol in mid-air, are etched into my memory like lyrics in a veteran singer’s mind. This plane is hijacked.

It was Monday, November 2, 2009, and I was inside the new terminal building at Bender Qassim International Airport, located in the Gulf of Aden port city of Bossaso, the commercial hub of Puntland region in fragmented Somalia. We went through ordinary airport proceedings: I checked in one large bag, which was thoroughly searched by uninformed airport staff in my presence, and then proceeded to the Puntland Immigration Department (PID) office with two small carry-on bags. Two soldiers stood guard in front of the PID office and they politely asked me to place my bags atop a wooden table. As one soldier searched the contents of my bags – and even asked me to turn on my Sony laptop! – the second soldier kept a watchful eye of his surroundings and the short line of travelers forming behind me. Ordinarily, as a frequent traveler, I have long ago seized the intense urge to complain about the wearisome and repetitive searches at airports wherever I go, and the airport in Bossaso was no exception.

In the following minutes, I passed through the PID office, where my American passport was run through an automated system, which I was informed is linked to Interpol in a global search for suspects and fugitives, before being told to pay the US$20 exit fee to the airport cashier. As this mundane procedure takes place, my mind is preoccupied by thoughts and plans for the coming days and weeks, after I safely return home to the States. Naturally, my worst fear is the old propeller airplanes that fly between Somalia and the neighboring Republic of Djibouti, a transit point on my way to Dubai. Least in my head, of course, is the possibility of a hijacked plane.

The first bullet goes off. It leaves a deafening noise inside the plane, subdued only by the screams of four Somali passenger ladies in the front of the plane. Moments before that, when the taller hijacker – clearly the more violent of the two gunmen – rose up with a pistol in the air to scream the dreaded words, “Diyaaradda way afduuban tahay,” I had looked across the aisle to my right, where Daallo Airlines flight attendant Mohamed Deeq was sitting, to ask him the stupid question: “What is he doing?” Mohamed Deeq sunk deeper into his seat and whispered back, in a voice that filled me with terror, to confirm that indeed this was a hijacking. A million-and-one thoughts and questions buzzed in my head. Where are the parachutes? What do these hijackers want? Are they terrorists? How will the my family and the world remember me, long after my body is covered in a neat white cloth in an Islamic burial with prayers to Allah Almighty for His Forgiveness and Mercy?

In Arabic, silently and repeatedly, I recite the shahadah –“I testify that there is no God but Allah and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah.” It is the earliest thing I learned growing up in a Muslim family. In times of panic, I find an irreplaceable comfort and refuge in these few words that the protection of artillery guns and well-trained soldiers cannot offer. In the middle of that chaos, I take a deep breath and order my heart and mind to accept death, for we must all face it one day. Subconsciously, I was seeking any possible exit from the plane of death.

The second bullet goes off, again blasting at the pilots’ door. The women and children’s screams continue to terrorize everyone on board – including the hijackers themselves! One woman in particular, who ran towards the back where we frighteningly watched the horrifying scene unfold, kept shrieking near my right ear, deepening the extent of panic within me and fuelling my screams for everyone to remain in their seats. Keeping the delicate balance on the plane in mid-air would be a key component of any chance of surviving a deadly crash. An older Somali man, whom I was later told owns a hotel in Bossaso, recognized the taller hijacker and referred to him by his first name, “Faisal.” I would never find out how the hotel owner personally knew Faisal, but during those horrific minutes I shared with 27 other passengers and three crewmen, it was a fortunate coincidence that helped confuse the hijackers in moments of pitched screams, cries and prayers.

Mohamed Deeq was singled out as a member of the flight crew. The hijackers ordered him to speak with the Russian pilots and to land the airplane in Las Qorey, a small coastal town west of Bossaso. The hijackers say they wanted to take two hostages – German journalists on board the plane – and that the rest of us Somalis would be set free in Las Qorey. Desperate criminals risked all our lives to kidnap foreigners for ransom and to satisfy their lustful impulses and habits fuelled by dollars and produced by an environment in Somalia where decades of political collapse, lawlessness and violence has helped erode the standards of an ordinary civilization.

But true heroes rise up to challenges, especially in moments marked by panic and absolute terror when the life of innocent persons is at risk. However reluctant, Mohamed Deeq stands up and walks down the aisle towards the hijackers. There is a small doorframe located between the passenger seats section and the pilots’ door. Later, Mohamed Deeq would inform me that he spoke in Russian with the pilots through the door, telling them of the the two armed hijackers asking to be taken to Las Qorey. But he told the pilots to return to Bossaso. They agreed and told him to be careful.

The ground was very close. Maybe so close that my mind toys around with the idea of jumping off. But one of the hijackers, the violent Faisal, recognizes that we are back at Bossaso’s airport. With Mohamed Deeq still standing there, Faisal fires bullets number three and number four at the pilots’ door. I can see Mohamed Deeq is ducking low to avoid the bullets. He grabs a wooden doorframe and places it between himself and the hijacker, who places his elongated hand over the wooden doorframe and fires bullet number five. The plane seems to shift left and right, the panicky passengers scream in unison in a tone filled with terror and desperation. There is a brief struggle at the front between them, with Mohamed Deeq trying to grab the hijacker’s gun but failing. The pilots fly the plane up higher now, away from the ground, as if we are on our way to Djibouti. In minutes, my heart begins to tremble as we begin flying over the sea. Later, I would understand that it was the pilots’ clever attempt to trick the hijackers by pretending to fly towards Las Qorey. At least, this attempt stopped the dreaded sound of gunshots in mid-air.

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I look at the second hijacker, searching his face for a reaction, but he has a stunned expression on his face and looks as afraid and clueless as the loudest shrieking voice in the airplane. Somehow, Mohamed Deeq manages to talk some sense into the hijacker, Faisal – who temporarily withdraws the gun and allows the Daallo Airlines employee to walk away, towards us in the very backseat. A big-body guy volunteers to break-down the door. Another man suggests that Faisal use the side of the gun to knock-down the pilots’ door. The women scream, begging the hijackers, asking the shorter hijacker: “Do you not fear Allah?” In those moments of panic, the hijacker’s reply was as surprising as the hijacking itself: “Yes, I fear Allah,” he replies. He then recites the shahadah.

Remember, the second hijacker never fired a bullet or even raised his gun at the passengers. He simply stood in the front seat, left side of the aisle, and eyed the dangerous situation with apprehension and a shared fear of destiny.

If this thing touches the ground, I am jumping off. This was the thought that dominated my mind in the moments before the pilots expertly landed the plane back at Bender Qassim International Airport in Bossaso. As passengers, we kept screaming at the hijackers, especially Faisal, who had grown more nervous and was jumping between one window to the next, seeking a ground sign for confirmation. “This is Las Qorey,” was the common chant. We said repeatedly it. I believed it was Las Qorey. The only reason I looked out the window was to estimate the distance to the ground. Once this airplane lands, I am jumping off. Las Qorey or not.

Faisal, the hijacker, gets on his mobile phone. From the question he asked, I knew who he was talking to: Do you see us? He was speaking to an armed gang waiting in Las Qorey to take the two German journalists as hostages, hide them in remote mountains and demand ransom worth millions of U.S. dollars. We kept screaming that the plane was going to crash on the ground. These screams helped confuse the hijackers, until the shorter one finally sat down to prepare for a rough landing. Faisal kept screaming on the phone over the plane’s engine blare and the passengers’ riotous shrieks and looking out the window, seeking a sign…until he saw one.

“Ba’aa, waa Boosaaso,” he says. Oh no, it’s Bossaso. The airplane’s tires touch the ground gently and the pilots were slowing down with incredible expertise and steadiness. Thinking fast, I knew the hijacker wanted to rush to the back, to hold everyone at gunpoint, and perhaps order the pilots to take off again. I look to my right, at Mohamed Deeq. Jump, I whisper. I don’t remember exactly the following moments. There was hardly a second between the moment Mohamed Deeq gets up from his seat, that I followed. It took him half-a-second to pry open the backdoor. Neither Mohamed Deeq nor I used the metal stairs that automatically fold down. Neither Mohamed Deeq nor I waited for the airplane to come to a complete standstill. We both jumped out. I would later feel plenty of pain in my right foot and upper leg.

Once on the ground, I see the first soldier. He is creeping up, AK-47 assault rifle at the ready, eyeing me suspiciously. I raise my hands in the air and scream at him in Somali: They are inside. Two guys with guns. Shoot them. I rush behind him, so that I can get a view of the airplane and avoid being shot in any possible crossfire. A girl jumps out. Followed by Faisal, the hijacker. He is unarmed. The second hijacker jumps out, throws his gun in the sand. Mohamed Deeq sneaks up on the shorter hijacker from behind and knocks him down.

I see the soldiers are confused. My body is shaking with unimaginable rage. I rush towards Faisal, who is attempting to run away on foot. I find myself punching him, an exhilarating adrenaline rush surging through my veins with the force of the Asian tsunami. Later that night, safe and sound at my hotel in Dubai, I would feel regret for attacking the hijackers, who later became victims of the passengers. Puntland’s laws should be enough punishment for such dangerous criminals.

We survived. Alxamdulillah – Praise Allah.

Poverty in Somalia is breeding desperation. The failed hijacking of the Daallo Airlines flight is the first case of ‘sky piracy’ – evidently, the hijackers are members of pirate gangs. Somali pirates have profited tremendously from generous ransoms collected since an extraordinary spike in sea piracy since 2007. Generally, these gangs consist of young men who came to age in a world of lawlessness and desperation, and join the profit-seeking gangs hoping to hit the jackpot and emerge out of poverty.

The Puntland government’s crackdown on pirates on land, combined with NATO-led naval patrols off the Somali coast, has helped reduce the number of pirate attacks from the levels of 2007. However, these gangs continue to conduct spectacular hijackings in the high seas, notwithstanding the international naval warships on patrol. These attacks are fuelled by the ground situation in Somalia – a country that is politically fragmented, parts of which have been paralyzed by chronic insecurity to the point where Nairobi, Kenya, is the international community’s point of operations for Somalia for nearly two decades. The extreme poverty and lack of direction on the ground fuels desperate acts by armed youth, seeking opportunity in a land of destroyed dreams, plundered potential and helpless households.

The world’s effort against piracy should adopt a comprehensive approach that deals with the root causes of pirate attacks – not just tackling the after-effects, such as a military standoff whenever pirates hijack a foreign vessel and the subsequent drama until the ransom is paid.

A comprehensive approach would seek a political settlement for the disintegration and political collapse experienced in Somalia since 1991. A genuine political settlement, that at least satisfies the majority of Somali stakeholders, would pave the way for the gradual restoration of security and the opening of educational and economic opportunities for the young Somalis who are despairingly drawn to acts of piracy, terrorism and other forms of criminality. Provided with security and economic opportunities, coastal communities would spearhead the fight against pirates feeding off the public sentiment that Somali territorial waters have been violated by foreign trawlers, who are accused of illegal fishing and toxic waste dumping.

However, if the current trajectory of pursuing temporary military-based solutions to piracy is followed, I fear that the continued desperation in Somalia will ultimately inspire new trends of insecurity that continue to threaten global and regional interests.

In a country like Somalia, where guns are abundant and poverty breeds desperation, the emergence of sky pirates should not come to us as a surprise.


Written by: Yusuf M. Hassan

Source: Hiiraan Online

Ethiopia: ONLF Military Communique

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JIGJIGA, 15 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) — Armed forces of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) launched a broad multiple front military operation against military positions of the Ethiopian occupation army liberating seven towns in Ogaden on Tuesday,10 November, 2009. The operation involved thousands of O.N.L.F troops and resulted in two days of heavy fighting. A significant number of Ethiopian troops have been killed and their military hardware captured or destroyed during this operation.

ONLF forces entered the towns of Obolka located near Harar, Hamaro located to the East of Fik, Higlaaley near Degah Bur, Yucub located 40km from Wardheer, Galadiid located 35km from Kabri Dahar, Boodhaano near the city of Godey, Gunogabo located near Degah Bur,

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Ethiopian occupation forces had deployed troops and positioned large amounts of military hardware in all of these towns due to their strategic military value. ONLF forces were warmly welcomed by the population in these areas and are administering medical care to those civilians killed by retreating Ethiopian occupation forces.

The ONLF will provide details of enemy casualties and further information on this large scale military operation as soon possible.

Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF)
Military Command Center (MCC)

Somalia: Is Puntland Drifting Towards Collapse?

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HARGEISA, 15 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Puntland president, Abdirahman Mohamud Farole , is facing security challenges that his predecessors did not face.

President Farole was in Kenya and having a photo-op with American Embassy officials in Nairobi when a judge and a member of Punltand people’s assembly were murdered in Bosaso and Garowe respectively.

A hand grenade was thrown into Punt land’s local government offices in Galka’yo in the same day. Almost two weeks ago the Puntland president asked people in Puntland to trust in the ability of his government’s security forces to deal with mounting insecurity and violence in Puntland. Without having solid evidence president of Puntland implied that people coming from other parts of Somalia and Somali populated territories in Ethiopia endanger Puntland security.

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Puntland’s security related problems partly lie in the misuse of resources for political and personal purposes. Puntland mistakenly believes that it has a Secret Service known as Puntland Intelligence Service (PSI). Since Puntland is an administration based on a clan consensus, why its political leaders have chosen to mislead people into believing PIS is as adept at “ counter-terrorism” as Ethiopia’s or Kenya’s or Djibouti’s secret services is not known.

Puntland may collapse if president Farole does not avoid pinning blame on external forces. Candid discussion of Puntland’s problems can start from figuring out what is the direct and indirect role of Puntland government in security and economic woes.

If the assassins targeting government officials are linked to ‘extremist groups’, who created conditions in which one can carry out targeted killings and bombing? Puntland has moved from honesty and self-criticism based positive clan consensus that gave the Puntlanders the relative peace they enjoyed for ten years. If Puntlanders see that public resources are being misused, Puntland government will be gradually paving the way for the break up of Puntland into clan fiefdoms, each using a system of self-rule —traditional or religion based –to try to coexist with each other peacefully.

Liban Ahmad
E-mail: Libahm@gmail.com

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Book Review: Somaliland: An African Struggle for Nationhood and International Recognition

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HARGEISA, 15 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) – Somaliland: An African Struggle for Nationhood and International Recognition, by Iqbal D Jhazbhay, Institute for Global Dialogue & South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, 2009, 243 pp., $25.00 ISBN 978-1-920216-20-7

This book review takes the form of an extended commentary highlighting some of the important issues, by the way of discussing the author’s theory, narrative and analysis.

According to the author, ‘the central hypothesis underlying this study is the importance of Somaliland’s example as a case study in the efficacy of the internally-driven, “bottom-up” approach to post-conflict nation-building and regional stability and the implications this approach holds for prioritizing domestic reconciliation between indigenous culture and traditions, and modernity in achieving relative stability and international recognition in the nation-building project’ (p. 19). Given my familiarity with Somali studies literature, as well as my participant observation of Somali affairs, I find this study to be highly original, relevant, valid and timely. The originality is partly because both the Somaliland domestic and international experiences are unique. As the author states, this is a mid-level theory intended to qualitatively illuminate a case study that could be used in future as a building bloc towards a grand theory.

The author provides as an analytical tool what he terms a ‘quadrilateral framework’: reconciliation-reconstruction-religion-recognition. This allows him to compile a huge pile of data, dates and events and to present them in a structured and organised manner. All this leads to an original sub-theory of the dialectic between international relations and internal factors.

There are several articles on narrow aspects of the Somaliland experience and a few general reports by the War-torn Society’s Project and the International Crisis Group whose works are cited here. From my perspective, this is the first scholarly and substantial manuscript on Somaliland covering both domestic and international topics. Its survey of existing literature — books, articles, reports, newspapers, web-sites — is simply breath-taking. His nine field trips over a period of several years, have allowed him to check and recheck most of the data collected from various sources. He conducted interviews with an impressive list of personalities, including heads of state, ministers, diplomats, Somali studies experts, and other academics such as heads of research institutes. I happen to know many of them and they are relevant and knowledgeable.

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Professor Jhazbhay is correct in pointing out that the elders are the engine that drives all reconciliation efforts in Somaliland; their absence in Somalia is partly responsible for the chaos in the south. This marriage of ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’ is what allowed the north to survive two civil wars and now enjoy 18 ten years of peace. At the centre of the elders movement is the Council of Elders (the Guurti). Somali culture is rich in traditional institutions evidenced in its systems of land management, agricultural and grazing systems, conflict mediation, legal adjudication, and many related functions. What facilitated the modern role of traditional elders? This study mentions the role of British colonialism. The British wanted colonialism ‘on the cheap’, therefore they practiced ‘indirect rule’, allowing traditional elders to manage grassroots politics. Jhazbhay sees this as a secondary rationale; after all, the British colonised India and Nigeria (where the term ‘indirect rule’ itself was coined); yet India emerged with a liberal democracy while Nigeria experienced decades of military rule. The thesis points to the existential compromise between the liberating Somali National Movement (SNM) and the elders as the primary rationale.

The SNM is also unique in being the only liberation movement that has voluntarily dissolved itself and allowed the elders to give power to a veteran politician, Mohamed Egal. The five-month-long gathering in Borama in 1993 was a Guurti project that laid the basis for a constitution. This study notes: ‘In the case of Somaliland, clan leadership ascendancy was facilitated by the modernizing nationalism of the SNM which, ideologically, sought to bridge the cultural gap between tradition and modernity and which, from the standpoint of self-reliant pragmatic survival, depended on the clan elders as pillars of support in mobilizing the social base of insurgency and post-conflict governance’ (p. 55). Somaliland has gone on to adopt a constitution by referendum, and to hold local government elections followed by presidential and parliamentary elections.

With regards to reconstruction in Somaliland, the author suggests that the engine for it is a free (nearly) unregulated market economy. The expansion of the free market has been facilitated by the provision of security which is also a product of reconciliation. Women with piles of various currencies transact business in open markets. There is a need for limited and appropriate regulation and light but suitable taxation. The author is right to observe that, in both Somaliland and Somalia, there is a climate of opinion in favour of decentralisation and power sharing institutions. The focus on the diaspora is critical. ‘Roughly half of Somaliland’s 3.5 million nationals have been estimated to live outside its borders’ (p. 96). This diaspora provides remittances that sustain the country. For example, the export of livestock to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States is critical to the Somaliland economy. However, it is also its Achilles heel: from time to time Saudi Arabia bans such exports. On one such occasion, the ban lasted 14 months and the number of animals exported from Somaliland fell sharply from 2.9 million in 1997 to just over 1 million in 1998.

The chapter on religion (Islam) is crucial given recent events. Analysing the chapter, I come up with the following options before the Islamists: (a) The civil society strategy — for example: ‘The Waxda movement has adapted a long-term strategy of developing a Muslim society by influencing by example via schools, charitable work, trade, etc., much in the same way of the Muslim brotherhood in Egypt’ (p. 116). (b) The Jihadist option — those who want to impose, top-down, an Islamic state by all means, including violence and militarism. In Somalia this movement, led by Hassan Dahir Aweys, captured Mogadishu and several parts of the south in June 2006 but were evicted by the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and Ethiopian troops in December 2006. This study covered these events in the form of 2006 reflections. I do not see a future for jihadists in Somaliland as explained and analysed in the thesis. (c) The Islamic courts movement — a large faction saw this as a civil society option and was willing to compromise with the TFG. However, a minority of jihadists hijacked the whole Sharia courts movement which led to the confrontation with Ethiopia. (d) The constitutional, democratic option like Turkey — this alternative is compatible with Somaliland’s democratic political culture. Women are playing an increasingly prominent role in Somaliland civil society (in Somalia too).

These initiatives have won general respect. During the post-Siyad era, women have assumed key roles in the economy, including taking jobs in retailing, money-changing, and local distribution of imported goods. They have played critical roles in peacemaking. They continue to prosper in teaching and medical professions. This study shows, however, that women are highly under-represented in political life including among the three main political parties. As far as women’s roles are concerned, there is the need to tilt the tradition-modernity dialectic a little more towards modernity. Their contribution in education has made this sector the most self-reliant.

The chapter on recognition provides a great deal of new information, with brilliant analysis. I come out with the conclusion that, while aiming for full recognition, Somaliland may have to opt for an interim special status. Nations sympathetic to Somaliland include Ethiopia, South Africa, Rwanda, Kenya (with some question mark) and the United Kingdom. Rwanda, in a recent AU session, tabled a resolution to discuss Somaliland. Arab States — Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan — are generally against the recognition of Somaliland. This is mostly due to Egypt’s anti-Ethiopian politics over the Nile. Ethiopia is in a delicate position: it has used its military power to impose the TFG in Mogadishu. Will it allow the TFG to impose itself over Hargeisa? If it does so, it will reopen the Pandora’s box of Somali irredentism which will eventually consume Ethiopia’s Somali Region 5 (the Ogaden). If it recognises Somaliland too soon, it will alienate the TFG ‘puppet’ regime.

In any case, the fate of Somaliland and Somalia is in Ethiopian hands. This is contained in the analysis provided. What is preventing a dialogue between the north and south is a clash of political cultures. Deriving inspiration from its traditional reconciliation practices, Somaliland has evolved a secular democratic political culture. Somalia, for almost 15 years, was suffocated by brutal warlord culture. For a brief period it experienced a radical Islamist, jihadi political culture, and is now confronted by authoritarianism and neo-Siyadism.

This book facilitates the development of a new sub-field of International Relations dealing with the ‘internationalization of domestic transformation’ (p. 17). Somaliland’s stability and democratisation needs recognition, and recognition will strengthen and sustain Somaliland’s stability and democratisation.

I summarise with one of the most insightful observations: the struggle for recog nition helps to discipline Somaliland’s internal politics and society. He provides concrete examples of this domestic-international linkage and disciplining of Somaliland politics and society. For example, Somalilanders turned out in record numbers to vote in the constitution referendum because they are acutely aware of the international struggle for recognition. The domestic disciplining involves the elders, the business sector and leaders of civil society. The acceptance of the extremely narrow results (80 votes difference) in the presidential elections is due to these domestic actors plus awareness of the struggle for recognition. The same thing explains the very cordial and civil relations between the opposition parties (with a majority in parliament) and the ruling party. Since the hypothesis is confirmed, we may go on to predict that the disciplining of Somaliland is bound to increase as a result of the drastic events in Mogadishu and the coming to power of the hostile Abdulahi Yusuf.

The Somaliland experience is summed up by the observation: ‘Whether one embraces, rejects, or is ambivalent about Somaliland’s bid for recognition, Somaliland’s progress in democratization, stability, and economic recovery constitutes one of the few pieces of genuinely good news in the troubled Horn of Africa’ (p. 153).

As a contribution to a new sub-field in International Relations and a penetrating original analysis of a unique socio-political experiment, I hereby commend this book with great enthusiasm.

Click Here to Download the Review in PDF Format

Hussein M Adam
Holy Cross College, Worcester, MA; Founding President, Somali Studies International Association
Email: hadam@holycross.edu
© 2009, Hussein M Adam

Ethiopia rebels 'capture towns'

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JIGJIGA, 15 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) — Ethnic-Somali rebels in the south-east of Ethiopia say they have launched an offensive against government forces and captured several towns.

The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) said it began attacking on several fronts on Tuesday.

The separatists said a “significant number” of Ethiopian troops had been killed and their equipment captured.
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The reports could not be verified and Ethiopia has in the past dismissed rebel accounts of military gains.

“The operation involved thousands of ONLF troops and resulted in two days of heavy fighting,” an ONLF statement said.

The group added that its forces had been “warmly welcomed” in the towns it claimed to have captured – Obolka, Hamaro, Higlaaley, Yucub, Galadiid, Boodhaano and Gunogabo.

The ONLF, formed in 1984, is fighting for the independence of ethnic Somalis in the oil-rich Ogaden region.

It says the Somali-speaking population has been marginalised by Addis Ababa.

Fighting has escalated over the past two years following an ONLF attack on a Chinese-run oil exploration field.

More than 70 people died in the attack, including Ethiopian guards and Chinese workers.

Addis Ababa calls the rebels “terrorists” and has cut off all access to the region.

However, watchdogs have accused the Ethiopian government of human rights violations.

Source: BBC

Somaliland shelters war-displaced

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BURAO – 14 November 2009 (Somalilandpress) — Thousands of people displaced by fighting in Somalia are ending up in the relatively peaceful neighbouring territory, Somaliland.

Once part of Somalia, it is now a self-declared republic in the troubled Horn of Africa region, and has been seeking international recognition of its independence since 1991.

Al Jazeera’s Mohammed Adow, in Burao, the main city of Togdheer province, says the complicated nature of local politics is blocking relief efforts.

Somaliland is a former British protectorate in north western Somalia.

In 1960, it gained its independence and united with what was then Italian Somaliland to form the Somalia republic.

In 1991, it declared independence after Mohamed Siad Barre, the Somali military leader, was overthrown.

Political unrest

Tension over the Somaliland presidential election, which was due to have been held on September 27, has given rise to fears that the self-declared territory could become a failed state like its neighbour Somalia.

The polls have been postponed indefinitely due to serious differences between the political parties since 2008.

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The complicated nature of local politics is blocking relief efforts in Burao
This uncertainty has led to increased concern about Somaliland in the international community, and a flare-up of political animosity within the territory.

Recent violence, particularly in the capital Hargeysa, has shown that the crisis in Somaliland has changed from being political to one of security and stability.

Despite the unrest in September, Somaliland has a relatively stable democracy.

It has a population of 3.5 million people, according to government estimates, and is a relatively stable democracy even though it has not been internationally recognised.

This is partly because it has developed a unique hybrid system of government.

The row over elections – largely seen as a test for this fledgling nation – threatens to divide it.

Source: Al Jazeera and agencies