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Wetang’ula Wants Maalim’s Conduct Investigated

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Nairobi, 1 March 2010 (Somalilandpress) – For the first time in the country’s history, Parliament will investigate a Deputy Speaker for his activities while on official duty abroad.

Foreign Affairs Minister Moses Wetang’ula has written to Parliament’s Defence and Foreign Relations Committee to investigate Deputy Speaker Farah Maalim’s activities on a tour of Somaliland in December last year.

The cause is key speeches he is alleged to have made that reportedly promoted separatism in Somalia and fostered ethnic disharmony between Somaliland and Puntland.

Committee chairman Adan Keynan admitted at the weekend that the minister wrote a letter seeking investigation, but declined to provide details citing Parliament’s Standing Orders.

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“It is true we have received the complaint and we are going to work on it,” said Mr Keynan, who added Maalim “will be summoned soon”.

According to sources, Wetang’ula wants the Lagdera MP probed for speeches he made at various functions when he visited Somaliland between December 22 and December 29, which allegedly caused tension in the two regions of Somaliland.

But the TFG’s Ambassador to Kenya Muhamed Ali Nur denied any knowledge of a protest by his Government, although he was aware of Maalim’s visit. He also denied knowledge of any controversy stirred by Maalim. The Deputy Speaker could not be reached for comment.


Source: Standard

Video: Somaliland National Library fundraising appeal

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LONDON — Somaliland Society of United Kingdom has launched a fundraising appeal for the construction of Somaliland’s National Library.

Ahmed Dahir Elmi, Chairman of Somaliland Society of UK, Dr Saed Ahmed Hassan, Chancellor of Golis University, Professor Hussein A. Bulhan, Chancellor of of University of Hargeisa and Faisal Ali Warabe, Chairman of UCID party address the conference held in north London.

The project is also supported by prominent Somaliland figures such as Rageh Omar, the well known television news presenter and writer and thousands of others.

We urge everyone to make a donation to the Somaliland Society UK Appeal Fund by one of the alternatives below:

Important contacts

Tel: +44 – 7985760181

Direct deposits:- Barclay Bank SC: 202748 Account: 20383724

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If you are in Somaliland, what does the National Library mean to you?

Video: Saafi films

Somalilandpress | 28 February 2010

Israel accused of dooming Ethiopian baby boom

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TEL AVIV (Somalilandpress) — A feminist movement has accused the Israeli government of adopting a racist policy towards the country’s Ethiopian Jews.

Activists believe black women are deliberately being given a controversial contraceptive drug to bring about a drop in the population – a claim the government denies.

Thousands of Ethiopians have immigrated to Israel since the 1980s, but their Jewish heritage has been questioned, while their social status continues to suffer.

For nearly four years, Racheli Mangoli has been running a youth center in one of Israel’s poorer communities. Forty-five Ethiopian families live here, but throughout that entire time, only one Ethiopian baby has been born in this neighborhood, and that has alarmed Racheli.

She says: “I smelt something not good. I know about the discrimination here – when I am going with the children, I feel this even when I am going to the supermarket. One women said to me ‘I don¹t know how you can stand next to people like this. When they give me money – I am going and washing my hands.’”

After some investigation, Racheli discovered that many Ethiopian women, keen to avoid getting pregnant while setting up life in a new country, had been placed on a controversial contraceptive, Depo-Provera, a drug few Israeli women have heard of, let alone use.

One woman was first put on it four years ago, and underwent repeated injections every three months. She says it has left her with such terrible pains in her hands and back that she can no longer work. She insists she was never told about its side effects or offered an alternative. Like many Ethiopians in Israel, she’s afraid she will be deported if she questions the authorities.
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Dr Factor is reluctant to give the contraceptive to his patients. He says it is known to delay fertility for months after women come off it. In some cases it can cause permanent infertility.

“At least 10 per cent develop substantial side-effects – side-effects like irregular bleeding, the period may disappear, they may have heavy periods. And it is impossible to reverse these side-effects, and until it has worked itself out of the system you can’t reverse these. So it’s possible although the contraception works for 3 months at a time, the side-effects may last for two years – three years – four years – five years,” he says.

In 2004, the American Food and Drug Administration warned against the dangers of the drug, but the World Health Organization refused to restrict its use.

Hedva Eyal has tried unsuccessfully to draw attention to the fact that Ethiopian Israelis are given the drug without being warned of the risks. She claims it is her government’s policy and is nothing short of racism.

She told RT: “They don’t want poor or black children and Depo-Provera gave them the opportunity to have control. If she [a patient] keeps taking an injection every three months, she is not going to have children – you know it is a 100 per cent secure from children I think.”

Hedva says the policy is working – the number of black babies in Israel is decreasing, but there are no official statistics to back up her claim. For community workers and Ethiopian women here, statistics are unnecessary – they feel their reality speaks for itself.

The Health Ministry admits it issues the drug, but says it was never its policy only to administer it to Ethiopian women and reduce the number of black babies in the country.

In their defense, Jewish agencies involved in immigration say they offered several types of contraceptives to the Ethiopian women, and that all of them participated voluntarily in family planning.

Dr. Yee-fat Bitton from the Israeli Anti-Discrimination Legal Center “Tmura”, says it’s not a matter point of view, but of the statistics.

“The statistics are, that 60 percent of the women receiving this contraceptive, this controversial one, are Ethiopian Jews,” Bitton told RT. “And you have to understand that Ethiopians in Israel… […] consist of up to only 1 per cent of the population, so the gap here is just impossible to reconcile in any logical manner that would somehow resist the claims of racism.”

Professor Zvi Bentwich, an immunologist and human rights activist from Tel-Aviv, doesn’t think there is any ground to suspect a certain negative official policy towards Ethiopian Jews.

“I’m not against looking and inquiring into the claim. If there is a claim, one should investigate,” Bentwich told RT. “But when asked about official attitudes, official policy, official medical policy, I am very reluctant that that is indeed a policy of racism on that part.”

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Watch the full interview with Yee-fat Bitton and Zvi Bentvich

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Source: RT, 26 February, 2010, 15:35

SOMALIA: Appeasing bureaucrats, gangs first—helping drought-stricken Somalis second

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Whether it is anarchic Somalia or other corrupted African nations, before the World Food Program (WFP) feeds drought-devastated locals: catering to the needs of the government officials as well as the local gangs first tantamount to resolving the most critical aspect of the crisis. The governments’ bureaucracies kill far more people than droughts obliterate victims from the face of the earth. The local gangs, on the other hand, loot whatever aid snatched away from the hands of callous, gluttonous, selfish officials.

Take Somalia particularly the Puntland region as an example. At the beginning of February, 2010, a large convoy of trucks loaded with food aid for the drought-stricken people of central Somalia departed from the republic of Somaliland’s port of Berbera. A chain of trucks over 130 departed from Berbera, traveling through the breath-taking views of Sheikh’s snaked mountain road to the plains of Togdheer and Sool provinces, all in Somaliland, without a hitch. Even the local police forces didn’t bother stopping the trucks to search illegal contraband because the security forces knew that the lives of thousands of Somalis were at risk of starvation.

But when the convoy reached the provincial capital of Sool region, Las Annod, something unexpected happened. Puntland refused to allow the trucks to proceed through its territory. For two weeks, while carrying heavy loads over 130 trucks remained in Las Annod. See the video clip below about the plight of the drivers:

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Understandably, the drivers complained because of the heavy loads on their trucks and the hot weather, the tires could rapture any minute. But Puntland officials turned a deaf ear to the outcry of the truckers as well as the needy people of central Somalia’s suffering.

Paradoxically, this is the same Puntland that echoes Somali nationalism and unity across the barren land of central Somalia, where heaps of livestock carcasses remain visible from a distance, and malnourished children depend on food aid which Puntland held hostage. But what compelled Puntland to act in such a cruel manner?

Puntland was not happy with how the food distribution was handled and the fact the aid went through Berbera port instead of Bosaso, Puntland’s commercial hub.

For the WFP officials, however, by going through Berbera achieves three things: first, the chances of pirates attacking the aid ships while in Somaliland waters is slim because Somaliland coastguards are known to round up pirates when they trespass into Somaliland’s waters; second, through Berbera, WFP officials face less bureaucracy.  After all the WFP has an agreement with Somaliland to ship food destined for the needy people of Ethiopia through Berbera, so why not send aid for Somalia through the same port as well. Third, the WFP officials know as long as the convoy is traveling through Somaliland territory security won’t be an issue, no need to hire gunmen to protect the food aid.
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But why Puntland officials waited until the last minute, when the trucks reached Las Annod, to raise objections doesn’t surprise anyone. The reason is too obvious: once the trucks reached Las Annod, the Puntland authority were in a better position to coerce the WFP to accept whatever they demanded. In other words, the corrupted Puntland officials knew they had the WFP over a barrel.

After an intense negotiation, and of course, receiving bribes, Puntland officials agreed to let the food reach its destination. How kind! They also assured the safety of the food, the trucks, and the drivers. But what the Puntland officials didn’t tell the WFP and the Somaliland was: the trucks will be protected while loaded with aid but not when they are empty and heading back to Somaliland.

Doubtless, in Puntland, some officials, local gangs, human traffickers, and pirates work as a team. That is, as soon as the trucks unloaded the food, local gangs started helping themselves. They began kidnapping the drivers and their trucks. See: http://somalilandpress.com/11960/somali-pirates-seize-somaliland-aid-trucks/

The kidnappers, members of Puntland’s infamous pirate community, demanded the release of a number pirates whom Somaliland arrested and convicted recently. All these pirates were caught red-handed with weapons in Somaliland’s territorial waters.

But for the kidnapped drivers, who may not even aware the convicted pirates much less have any thing to do with their arrest, must got used to being terrorized and kidnapped by none other than those who they deliver desperately needed aid to, by now.

Some members (not all of them) of the Ogaden National Liberation Front ONLF are notorious for burning trucks which belong to Somaliland citizens as to revenge for the ONLF comrades possibly held in Somaliland. So far over 75 civilian, not government, owned trucks—worth $30, 000 to $50,000 each—have been burned by the ONLF.

Employing the same tactics as the ONLF’s, Puntland pirates are now holding hostage five Somaliland trucks and their drivers.

However, what the ONLF and Puntland pirates ignored is: just as we cannot hold the population in the Gedo region of Somalia against former Somali ruler Gen. Siad Barre’s actions, so too Somaliland civilians should not suffer because of Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin’s decision to crackdown ONLF and pirates in Somaliland territory. (Gen. Barre hails from the Gedo province of Somalia.)

In other words, the brave Somaliland truck drivers—determined to deliver much needed aid to the needy people of central of Somalia and the Ogden region should not suffer because Somaliland government’s actions.

Puntland’s piracy—a double-edged sword

If Puntland successfully rescues the drivers, this would open up a can of worms. The International community would demand to free hundreds of seamen and dozens of ships held hostage in Puntland territory. This won’t happen because much of Puntland’s economy depends on ransom money collected from ships. Also, Puntland doesn’t get its hand dirty unless pirates hijack ships destined to its territory.

In fact, Somaliland officials are already warning citizens not to take justice into their hands. http://somalilandpress.com/11983/somaliland-police-wary-of-revenge-attacks-on-puntland-truckers/ Also read about the root cause of piracy in Somalia: http://www.maanhadal.com/articles/Epicenter_o_%20Sea_Piracy.html

On the flip side, if Puntland doesn’t resolve the hostage crisis quickly: the infuriated family members of the victims my soon take the law into their hands. For instance, hundreds of trucks from Puntland travel through Somaliland peacefully every month. Now, the likelihood of some innocent driver from Puntland region becoming a victim of an ugly avenge carried out by the Somaliland truck drivers’ family members is very high.

More serious problem is Somaliland may launch a full-scale war against pirate bases to free Somaliland hostages. By doing so, would also open another unexpected door. The International community would ask Somaliland to undertake similar operations against pirate bases as to free ships and their crews. Somaliland won’t hesitate to neutralize pirates as longs as logistics are provided. Somaliland has over 16, 000-18,000 fully trained military personnel and will not hesitate to eradicate piracy in the region with the support of regional and international community.

To sum up, more than ever before, Somaliland truck drivers need to establish a strong union which will negotiate with Somaliland, Puntland, Ethiopia, and WFP in the near future as to safeguard the safety of the drivers and their trucks.

As for Puntland, failure to free Somaliland hostages will result: more damage to Puntland’s eroding reputation as the kingdom of piracy and human trafficking, dozens of Puntland trucks kidnapped—and worst of all Somaliland may launch a military assault against the pirate bases in Puntland.

To top it up, burning Somaliland civilian owned trucks and their goods by ONLF as well as kidnapping trucks and their drivers by Puntland pirates is a counter-productive strategy to accomplish anything; it just infuriates people.

Free Somaliland truck drivers now. Feed the needy people of Somalia first; bureaucrats, next.

Dalmar Kaahin
Dalmar_k@yahoo.com

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial.

Somaliland: Police wary of revenge attacks on Puntland truckers

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BURAO (Somalilandpress) — At least five trucks belonging to businessmen hailing from the semi-autonomous region of Puntland were taken into custody in Burao on Saturday under new security arrangements, officials say.

Togdher regional Police Commissioner, Col. Abdulrahman Ahmed Liban, said police in the region have taken a number of trucks belonging to Puntland because of possible revenge attacks after Puntland pirates seized seven WFP aid trucks belonging to Somaliland truckers.

“It’s possible relatives of the trucks seized in Puntland might seek revenge for that reason and security purposes we have taken Puntland truck  and their drivers into custody. Its part of the security of this region,” he said.

He did not say when they will be allowed to resume their business or if they will be escorted back to Puntland but the Commissioner has warned Somalilanders against seeking their own justice. He added that everyone must respect the law and understand the truckers are civilians just trying to feed their families.

Seven trucks and their drivers contracted by World Food Programme from Somaliland were taken hostage by Puntland pirates on their way back to the Somaliland port of Berbera after delivering food aid to the central Somali town of Galkayo.

More than 160 Somaliland trucks were contracted by WFP to carry the much needed food to the displaced Somalis in the central regions of Somalia.

In the past, WFP used the port of Berbera to deliver aid to landlocked Ethiopia but because of the Islamists groups in Somalia and the pirates in Puntland, WFP decided to use Somaliland’s port. Somaliland has successfully kept the Puntland pirates at bay arresting more than 40 in the process thus far. Now, the Puntland pirates want all 40 released in exchange for the seven truckers.
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According to sources close to the pirates, the trucks are been kept in small town near the pirate lair of Garaad called Kulud.

Puntland authority has also protested against WFP for their usage of Berbera port insisting they should use their port at Bosaso. Puntland refused them entry and many trucks crossed into Galkayo over the Ethiopian border – however Puntland eventually allowed the trucks entry after they were stranded in Las Anod for five days.

WFP’s move to use Berbera may have also angered Somalia’s Islamists hard-line movement of Shebab Al-Mujahideen, who have issued a statement today banning WFP operating in Somalia.

According to Middle East Online, a senior member of the group has stated: “We have already given (WFP) chances to operate in Somalia but after failing to comply with the conditions we put forward, we totally banned WFP operations in Somalia.”

In a related development, reports coming out off the town of Burtinle in the Nugal region of Puntland suggest further four trucks from WFP convey have been kidnapped by separate Puntland militia. No one exactly knows their motives.

Also it is reported that militia groups have looted and fired bullets at truck conveys traveling between the two Puntland towns of Galkayo and Garowe on their way back to Berbera. No reports of casualties so far.

A trucker from the town of Las Anod said, they were stopped shortly after leaving the town of Galkayo, they were stopped at gun point and asked for their clan. “After they learned I’m from Las Anod and Dhulbahante tribe, they took some cash from me and let me go but they detained other drivers from other clans in Somaliland” he said.

Another driver told Geeska Afrika that at least 35 trucks were still stranded in Galkayo too afraid to leave. “We are afraid of traveling back to Puntland, they are armed militia on the road and we have no arms because we use to peaceful Somaliland where civilians do not carry guns” he told Geeska.

According to the WFP, an estimated 1.55 million Somalis are internally displaced and 285,000 Somali children are malnourished. Over all WFP delivers over 90 percent of it’s aid for Somalia by sea often escorted by naval NATO and US ships.

“The situation in South and Central Somalia is aggravated by civil strife, insecurity and consecutive seasons of poor rains. Somalia has some of the world’s worst health indicators. Life expectancy at birth is 46.2 years. A quarter of children die before they reach five,” WFP said a statement on their website.

No official comments from WFP, Somaliland or Puntland authority.

The coast off Somalia is among the world’s most dangerous shipping lanes and the state has not had effective government since 1991.

Video: More than 70 trucks stranded in Las Anod after Puntland protests about the food import via Berbera port, more trucks on their way, while others already crossed via Ethiopia.

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Somalilandpress, 28th February 2010

The Search for Appropriate Policies for Somalia

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HARGEISA, 27 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – In a series of articles published in Aljazeera.net, the Somali-born academic and lecturer, Dr. Afyare Elmi, has put forward policy prescriptions for the international community to help Somalia become a country with a functioning state. His discussion on the emergence of Somalia’s Islamist militant organizations is interesting although he has not included Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama’a in the list.

“ During President Bill Clinton’s era, Operation Restore Hope was turned into the nightmare known today as Black Hawk Down” Afyare writes. Former US president Bill Clinton inherited Operation Restore Hope from George Bush (senior) but in July 1992 he had spoken in Little Rock, Arkansas and had called for humanitarian intervention in Somalia. Operation Restore Hope saved many Somalis from man-made famine and is now regarded as one of the most memorable humanitarian interventions the international community undertook to address an upheaval.

A central theme running through Afyare’s analyses is that Somali moderates can, with help from the international community, change Somalia for the better. In all the three articles Afyare sounds like unionist but his conception of a united Somalia is undermined by his failure to mention Somaliland and Puntland, the first has political parties, judiciary, and is keen on being recognized as ‘Republic of Somaliland’ whereas the latter is an autonomous, pro-(re)union administration.
Somalia’s experiment with different forms of centralism (1960-1990) paved the way for state collapse. This does not mean federalism will fare better given Somalia’s recent turbulent history of clan warfare. He attributes Islamists’ rise in Somalia to the political failure of Somali secularists:

“One can safely argue that, for now, Somalia does not have credible secularist groups that can compete with Islamists. When the country collapsed in 1991 many Islamists who lived in the Middle East went back and established schools and service centres.”

In fact, Somalia has never had credible ‘secularist groups’ but only has had opportunist politicians. The ill-timed US support for warlords who set up the Alliance for Counter-terrorism in 2006 is another factor that propelled Somali Islamists onto the political scene in Southern Somalia. Somaliland and Puntland have been successful in setting up local institutions after state collapse because they combined the expertise of politicians and traditional leaders. In Southern Somalia, people supported the Union of Islamic Courts in 2006 because warlord- based groups have called the shots in many parts of Southern Somalia where armed clans failed to consider the rights of unarmed clans in inter-reverine areas or set up local, consensus-based administrations.

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Dr. Afyare sees the Islamists as an ally who can contribute to efforts to reconstitute the Somali state and argues “the overwhelming majority of Somalia’s Islamis movements have a Somali agenda—they want a peaceful and prosperous homeland. Thus in order to build a functioning state, they should be considered an ally.” There are only two major Islamist organisations in Somalia today: Hizbul Islam and Al Shabab, and a new group, Ahlu Sunna Wal Jama’a sponsored by Ethiopia has honed the fray but it is not a group that can be described as an Islamist organisation. What yardstick has someone got to use to describe an Islamist group’s views as majoratarian? “Conditions that favoured the radicals have been reversed and the opportunity for defeating extremism has presented itself again,” Dr Afyare writes. In the Somali political context extremism is a word used to label someone or group whose activities or operations threaten the interests of a clan. In 2006 the current Transitional Federal Government’s Minister of State for Defence, and former secretary of Defence for both the Union of Islamic Courts and the Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia, Yusuf Mohamud Siyad (aka Indha’adde) who boasted that he was one of late General Aideed’s supporters who dragged dead American soldiers in streets of Mogadishu, and who threatened that Union of Islamic Courts would attack Addis Ababa in 2006, now calls Al Shabab mooryaan, ( hooligans), not extremists. “Somalia since 2006 is possibly the clearest example for the failure of US (and Ethiopian) counter-terrorism policy, which actually has produced what it was supposed to counter,” argued Markus Hoehne.

“If the situation is to be reversed, Somalia’s state has to be reconstructed. The long term solution to the Somalia challenge is to rebuild a strong central state,” Afyare writes. Efforts to reconstitute the Somali state will bear fruit if the approach is bottom up, rather than top-down. How will a central state based on the 4.5 power-sharing formula protect the rights of minority clans perceived to be minority because they have not had armed militias? Afyare proposes “an electoral system based on national closed list proportional representation to reform the current Somali Transitional Parliament [as]… appropriate [measure] in this context. This model is suitable because most Somali voters are illiterate and it facilitates the unity of the country.” Somalia’s experiment with parliamentary democracy ( 1960-1969) does not seem to have been taken into account by Afyare whose need for a sense of history is all the more pressing when he commends human rights groups for calling “for the removal Mohamed Darwish and Abdi Qeybdid from the government for committing human rights atrocities. Although Darwish has now been removed, Qeybdid is still in the cabinet and many more questionable individuals are also playing roles in the government.” Darwish was the head of TFG’s Security Service; Qeybdid was the Commander of Somali Police Force (now Minister of Water and Minerals).

Amnesty International pointed out in one of its reports on Somalia that insurgents associated with the Alliance for the Reliberation for Somalia of which president Sheikh Sharif Ahmed was chairman, murdered TFG members and civil servants. President Sharif reiterated that this page of Somali history was closed, and reconciliation was the way forward. Challenges the TFG faces are different from those faced by the TFG under the former president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed. Militant Islamist organisations—Al Shabab and Hizbul Islam— don’t have the image problem that plagued warlords locally. They administer corporal and questionable capital punishments but those measures weigh less on the minds of people in areas controlled by Islamist organisations particularly inter-riverine areas for they believe Islamists’ rule is more benign than the warlords’ reign of terror. Dr Afyare’s policy prescriptions fail to take into account the complex political realities in Somalia and how problems are interconnected at district and regional levels in the Horn of Africa’s war-torn country.


Written by:
Liban Ahmad
Libahm@gmail.com

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

Ransom Paid To Somali Pirates for Indonesian Ship

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MOGADISHU — Somali pirates said they were air-dropped a ransom of 3.7 million dollars (2.7 million euros) Friday to release an Indonesian chemical tanker and its 24 crew members.

“The pirates already agreed to free the ship after receiving ransom money of 3.7 million US dollars, I think they will get off the ship some time this evening or tomorrow,” Abdi Yare, a pirate leader in the port of Harardhere, told AFP.

Hasan Abdulle, another pirate in Harardhere, also said the ransom had been paid for the Singapore-flagged MT Pramoni.

“Most of the pirates are already back on shore now because they received their ransom today, the ship is technically free,” he said.

A spokesman for the European Union anti-piracy naval mission confirmed that a ransom was paid early Friday.
“A ransom drop has been made,” said EU NAVFOR spokesman John Harbour, adding that it normally took up to 24 hours for pirates to release the ship and crew “after the money has been counted”.

Somali pirates seized the vessel and its 24 crew members in the Gulf of Aden on January 1.

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The ship was captured while en route to India, the first attack by Somali pirates this year.

Among the crew of the 20,000 deadweight-tonne Pramoni heading toward Kandla are 17 Indonesians, five Chinese nationals, a Nigerian and a Vietnamese.

Somali pirates, targeting one of the world’s busiest maritime trade routes, raked in an estimated 60 million dollars in ransoms last year.
Besides the MT Pramoni, they still hold at least nine vessels and more than 150 seafarers.

An armed Somali pirate keeps vigil along the coastline at Hobyo town (Photo By AFP)

Sources: AFP

Somaliland’s Most Prominent Woman: Edna Aden Ismail

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HARGEISA, 27 February 2010 (Somalilandpress) – The Republic of Somaliland, a former British Protectorate, which has gained its independence from the British on June 26, 1960, after short union with the South, it reclaimed i’ts independence in 1991, after an armed struggle against the totalitarian regime of Mohamed Siad Bare. Somaliland has since continued to impress the international community with such relentless efforts to secure the only stability that exists, today, in what was formerly known as Somalia. Although, Somaliland has, yet, to gain recognition as a sovereign state from any of the United Nations member states, many of these states has credited the people of Somaliland for their hard work and commitment. The stability and the gradual developments in many spheres in Somaliland’s affairs are often described, by the international community, exemplary compared to that of Somalia and many other states in the Horn of Africa, today.

Any commendable achievement made by Somaliland has been, solely, achieved by the people of Somaliland. Somaliland women have, incontestably and immensely, contributed to these achievements. They say, every great man behind a great woman. Thank God, this small nation of, allegedly, less than three millions of populace, has so far produced many great women. Those great women deserve decoration for their contribution, and the likes of Edna should be honoured with a Noble Prize for her allegiance to humanitarian work.

Edna Adan Ismail is in the lead of those noble Somaliland women, who have made a viable difference in the slow, but improving political, social, economical, and cultural situations of Somaliland. Edna is a great role model to many young and aspiring Somaliland women, and I can only hope I have done her justice in the following paragraphs, where I am attempting to shed a light on what puts this lady ahead of the crowd.

Edna has shared platform with many world leaders and other important international figures such as former United States presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Bill Clinton. Former United Nation’s Secretary General Kofi Annan, and Hollywood mega stars Demi Moore, Goldie Hawn and many more. Edna, like her high-profile peers, can afford to have a Hollywood starlet lifestyle in any country of her choice. She can afford to live in New York suburbs, drive Bentley Continental, dine in posh and expensive eateries with her highly academic peers, and private shop in Paris’s Faubourg Saint-Honoré district. But no, she did not choose that lifestyle. Instead, she chose to live in Hargeisa, Somalland’s capital city, drive nothing fancier than what other Hargeisa’s working class are driving. And on top of that, she, personally, deliveries babies at Edna Maternity Hospital. The hospital she founded and maintains herself with her own pension money, in Hargeisa. In an interview she gave at the BBC Radio 4, she told the presenter that her reason of founding Edna Maternity Hospital in Hargeisa and running it, is nothing more than just living up to an occupational commitment, i.e. she is a trained midwife, who has gained her skills at various hospitals in London, and therefore, this is, in her own words, “what she does for living”.

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Edna Adan Ismail must be the most accomplished woman in the Horn of Africa, and one of the few in the whole of African continent. She has many firsts in many things. She is the first Somaliland woman to receive a scholarship to United Kingdom, where she was trained as a midwife in 1950s. She is the first Somaliland and Somalia’s First Lady as she was the wife of former Somalia’s President in 1960s, Mohammed Haji Ibrahim Egal. The first Somaliland woman to held a driving license, and as she told the BBC Radio 4 presenter the first Somali person to speak out of the Female Genital Mutilation (GFM) in 1975. Edna was the first woman Foreign Minister of the Republic of Somaliland from the periods of 2003 to 2006 and the only woman minister, then. She worked with the United Nations and has become the Regional Director of the World Health Organisation. She retired in early 1990s.

Edna Adan Ismail is reported to have receiving many tributes, so far, in her still ongoing humanitarian work. Edna was added to the list of the Medical Mission Hall of Fame in early 2007 by the University of Toledo, Ohio. This was in recognition of her lifelong Humanitarian work, and it gained her another first in her career life. Edna was the first African to have been awarded with such an honour. Furthermore, Edna received Honorary Doctoral Degree and Honorary Fellow from Clark University of Massachusetts in the United States and Cardiff University in the United Kingdom, respectively.

When speaking of this brilliant woman, people often tend to associate her with the late Somaliland president, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, as she was his first wife, or UDUP, the current ruling party in Somaliland, with whom she served as a Foreign Minister. However, many people, often, fail to appreciate that this noble woman has a lifelong achievements in humanitarian work. She is, first and foremost, qualified medical personnel and thus vowed to serve her country, regardless. Edna Maternity Hospital trains legions of young men and women in health-care, every year. Many of those qualified men and women work in various health centres in the country, while others may choose to continue for further studies and trainings elsewhere. When Edna is not in Hargeisa, where she would not miss a delivery of a new baby, she travels around the world pleading with the international community to support Somaliland and, particularly, assist with the development of a better and sustainable health-care system in the country.

This prominent woman has earned her place in history and is a true inspirational to all of us. Her humble self and noble efforts to help her people are amiable qualities that put her on top of the list that I have, personally, set to honour Somaliland’s most prominent women.

Written By:
Salma A. Sheik

A Message to Young Somalilanders Worldwide

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I first of all wanted to say hello to all my fellow young Somalilanders and future leaders. It is you who I speak of when I promise Somaliland politicians that ‘Somaliland will be fine after your entire generation dies.” While those words may be harsh, the stinging reality of its promise garners at least an appreciative smirk from those who remember what it feels like to love Somaliland. It is no secret that the current young generation of Somalilanders will inevitably be the leaders of tomorrow and I want to thank every one of them in advance for beginning their journey simply by realising that they are the answer that they are looking for.

What takes us all as young Somalilanders on this journey is that the country of Somaliland burns like a fire in our hearts, holds an emotional attachment that overcomes great distances, and calls to us beckoning our return to our true home and final resting place. It’s this same passion and unbreakable attachment that will lead Somaliland to its future success, but first we need to take this passion and convert it into energy we can harness in the form of tangible results and the progression of Somaliland.

Being based in Somaliland I have the privilege of bumping into members of all the political parties (including both their leaders and their fervent followers) and indeed my very close relatives are extremely active in all the main political parties; even Udhis! So I think I can safely say that I am speaking from a very broad perspective when I say that we need to consider who we support and the reasoning and logic behind our support. Should we support a certain party based on our clan ethnicity, support whom our parents do, or should we choose a party based on the needs of Somaliland?
With the increasing intellectual capacity and patriotism of our younger citizens I will have to leave that as an open question as the answer is quite obvious and I am sure we are all on the same page. It is the bleeding and humiliated concept of Somaliland that needs our support and attention and as patriots whose heart the love of Somaliland burns in, we must rally to support Somaliland using all methods available to us; but where do we start?

A lack of a clear election date has created an understandable lack of confidence among most voters, but it still remains that this sacred privilege of voting is the only option when you overcome the immature notion of using violence. It is this same lack of confidence and feeling of helplessness that has in fact allowed the current administration of Somaliland to exploit loopholes in our current constitution allowing them to circumnavigate the limits placed on terms of office. What makes many voters even more disillusioned with our voting process is the inevitability that the ballots will be stuffed.

My answer to this disillusionment is ‘so what?’ Having witnessed ballot stuffing take place in big cities such as Toronto, Canada and London, England I can assure you that this nasty little tactic is employed in practically every country and in every election in the world. What you should think about is that ballots always reflect the will of the greater masses and no one can change that. The Nazi party could never come back to power in Germany even if all the election officials belonged to that party because the number of fake votes it would take to counter the real votes could simply never exist! What I am trying to say is that when the citizen’s of Somaliland’s resolve is heightened to the point the only logical outcome is made clear, it is only Somaliland and not any party in particular that will be declared the winner on Election Day.

So who is this party that is capable of delivering us this promise? Who is this party that will single hand idly bring us from the darkness into the light? The answer is that there is none. Yes, none. Zip, zero, none. There is no such thing as a Magic Party that always gets it right. If it did exist then they would’ve won the election long ago. So now that we know this and we’re thinking realistically and not ideally, who should we be throwing or support behind? Udub? Kulmiye? Ucid? Udhis? Should we start from scratch with a new party? Or should we choose a party based on the needs of Somaliland? The answer to this question may at first seem obvious to those who are privy to passing fanaticism and you will soon realise that the answer to this question is in fact the same answer that was equally obvious before; we should support a political party based on the needs and reality of Somaliland. As much as each promises with all their breathe; no single party will ever be the saviour of Somaliland. In fact, it will be their successive efforts when put together as a whole that will create a better Somaliland.

The trappings of office are actually quite nice, even here in Somaliland, and even I wouldn’t mind living on the state’s tab! Jokes aside, it is our civic duty and our civil responsibility to ensure Somaliland should not be left in one man’s hands; but rather in the hands of the entire nation. It is for this reason we should all be opposed to leaders interested in dictatorial office terms. As humans, we are all prone to complacency; the disease that ravages even the best of us and begins to eat away at our productivity and efficiency without us ever knowing. You see, it begins with overconfidence in one’s accomplishments and usually ends with complete disillusionment with one’s actual abilities verses our actual accomplishment. Throw in our nations disgusting national favourite pastime (chewing qat) and you are now looking at our current administration.

I am sure that our current President had Somaliland’s interests at heart a great deal more seven years ago then he does today and I don’t even blame him. There are actually people who call themselves Somalilander who put their allegiance to his affiliations and favours before their allegiance to Somaliland and give him an excuse to stick around. This may dismay Udub supporters, but even they themselves would find it hard to argue against tribal ties, financial motivation or outright cowardice as their motive for their support of the current party in power. My question to them is what exactly has he accomplished in his seven years of office?

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So now that is it obvious that Udub is not the answer we are left with Ucid, Kulmiye and Udhis. See this makes it hard because I both dislike and like them all equally. None of them has ever given me a coherent platform for me to consider, but all of them belong to the party that I plan to vote for; The Party of CHANGE. You see, I am more interested in Somaliland practising democratic ideals then the abilities of the current generation who are in a position to assume authority right now. I embellish the motto of the great state of New Hampshire who’s ‘Live Free or Die’ motto has made them a notoriously unpredictable swing state that holds no allegiances to any political party. When it comes time for me to vote I will be voting for The Party of CHANGE.

If this one can’t get it right; then fire them. If the next one doesn’t get it right; then fire them too. Hell, go Donald Trump on them and fire every one of them until one of them gets it right. And even when that one comes along he or she will only get one term more than those before him/her and a place in my heart alongside Somaliland as a consolation prize. You see, I care not about my uncle or the man who pays my bills. I care about the nation my children and grandchildren will call their home and whether or not they will have the same opportunity to pursue their happiness as the developed world does.

So this still doesn’t answer who we should be voting for. After dreaming of the idealistic kind of politics promised by Ucid and wanting to see those ideas come to fruition I have also learned about the nasty old politics in our country that you just have to experience to understand. Many of the voters don’t know their rights (and I challenge the Commission currently in Somaliland to spend the simple five thousand dollars to run a decent TV/Radio advert educating people on why to vote and how to vote in their best interests and according to democratic ideals). A lot of this has a lot to do with silly tribal affiliations at play in Somaliland, previous disputes amongst tribes and old promises and favours. Add this to who can provide the most free qat to rallying supporters and you now have a perfect picture of the majority of the Somaliland voting base.

After becoming in touch with the reality of Somaliland politics and the average voter, I realised that while Ucid ideally seems like a good party and has a level of organisation the other parties lack, that they have no realistic chance of winning the election due to the current political situation on the ground (which includes the ignorance and tribalism in our politics we need to eradicate). I recently drove through an Ucid rally in Downtown Hargeisa’s and I’m sorry to have to say that most of the people honking their horns were honking out of sheer frustration at the traffic jam the rally caused.

So now, being a big supporter of The Party of CHANGE why would I give my vote to a party that doesn’t have a realistic chance of winning the election? I know I want to get rid of Udub and will support anyone who can take their place. So, I guess, I should just go out and vote for the party that makes the best promises right? I mean, it’s that simple; roll the dice and may the best party win dude! The truth is, is that it is not that simple. You must realise that Udub has bought so many votes that they can easily come in first place in the election without stuffing any ballots. So it is on us as those who want to vote for The Party of CHANGE in Somaliland to look at which of the four parties can actually become the alternative to our current hapless administration. Udhis is an upstart and is in the same position that Ucid was in the last election; a fresh way to say you’re not a part of the status quo and that you won’t vote based on the old way of thinking. I like the hope that Ucid provides, but there is no way in hell that I like that hope enough to give Udub another 5 years at the helm Somaliland.

So now you see where I’m getting. The purpose of this article is an exercise in realism and to throw the idealistic dreamy wishy washy feeling aside. I actually look forward to assisting Ucid in the future and don’t want to discourage people from supporting the party that they agree with, but at some point I have to tell myself the truth; it’s not going to happen. I have to take my vote and use it as a weapon in Somaliland’s defence and be a smart voter who votes strategically and constructively and uses this weapon for an actual outcome. Doing anything less would amount to a waste of my precious vote and registering what would amount to a protest vote. The truth on the ground here in Somaliland is that a vote for Udhis or Ucid amounts to throwing your vote or straight up voting for Udub.

We have to realise that since they realistically have no chance to register more than a presence that we are splitting the opposition vote and giving what amounts to a ‘ vote to Ross Perot.’ This now leaves us with the party that is far from perfect, Kulmiye, as our only option as The Party of Change. It is, after all, this party that either won or almost won the vote the last time (depending on who you believe) and has the largest supporter base and therefore the only realistic challenger to Udub in the upcoming election.

In the future I look forward to a leader who has the patriotism and a love for their country and that I can call a ‘Wadaani’. The sad truth is that it will take time before this kind of leader can emerge in a correct climate in Somaliland where we can vote for the party we want to win and they actually have a fair chance; A time where a candidate only has to express their platform to an educated voter base in order to have a realistic chance. Anyone who believes we are currently at this point on the ground in Somaliland is only asking to be punished for their naivety.

So I conclude this message to all the young Somalilanders reminding them to use their vote strategically and to think beyond the current game. Think about the entire season and the life of Somaliland if it is Somaliland that you truly do love. And remember that no particular party is a sports team and it’s okay to be a glory-hunter if it suits the needs of Somaliland. Vote for The Party of Change and remember that this title belongs to none of the four parties exclusively, but to Somaliland itself. I may support Kulmiye this time around, but as I promised Mr. Silaanyo to his face, my support for their party will end the day they come to power. You see, I am a supporter of Somaliland the country, and not its representatives. Until Somaliland politics has everything to do with what’s right and nothing to do with tribes, I will forever be a part of the opposition and vote for The Party of Change.

I call on all of you to join me in supporting The Party of Change and look forward to the future of Somaliland and the ‘Rise of the Independents’. I urge you all to think about why and who you are voting for before you cast that ballot. You may honestly be Somaliland’s last chance.

Written by:
Mo ‘Arr’ Hussein

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Views expressed in the opinion articles are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the editorial

SOMALILAND DROUGHT: Food Distribution to Resume in Baki District

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PRESS RELEASE

Food distribution by World Vision has resumed in Baki district, Somaliland, after suspected cases of loss of food aid resulted in temporary suspension of the Baki food programme in December 2009. Investigations conducted by World Vision have also led to termination of five staff members based in Baki district.

The announcement to resume distribution was made during a meeting with three members of parliament from Baki and affected staff on Wednesday 24, in Hargeisa. “It is unfortunate that innocent people suffered during the suspension, but we had to carry out a fair and thorough investigation to ensure that food aid reaches the intended beneficiaries.” says Andrew Butali, the World Vision Somaliland Coordinator.

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Earlier, the Mayor of Baki had appealed for a quick solution to the problem noting that communities being affected by the current drought heavily relied on food distributed by World Vision. Most beneficiaries, who are pastoralists, had expressed their dilemma of whether to wait for the issue to be solved or move with their livestock in search of food and water for their livestock and themselves.

The government of Somaliland made a public appeal for urgent humanitarian assistance and livelihood support, to avert worsening humanitarian situation that is affecting all six regions. “In addition, assistance and support to urgent water trucking, construction, and rehabilitation of boreholes as well as rehabilitation and desilting of ‘Berkads’ and dams and supplies of necessary medications for affected human and livestock populations will be needed to avert breakout of epidemics. Nutrition Support to the weak will also be necessary.” added the statement.

The World Vision food programme which gets support from WFP operates in Awdal and Hargeisa regions. The nutrition component of the programme carries out screening of children less than five years of age where confirmed cases of malnutrition are enrolled in the supplementary feeding programme for four months. Their families also receive fortified rations to supplement their diet.

The Food programme which began in April 2009, has recorded a significant drop in Global Acute Malnutrition Rates (GAM) from 22% to 8%. Currently there are 7,882 children in the Supplementary Feeding Programme.

Somalilandpress

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