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Somaliland: Only one option, Sovereignty

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A response to Jesper Carlsen Cullen’s piece titled” A third way for Somaliland and Somalia”
By: Mohamed A. Mohamoud and
Mohamed A. Duale
We write with reference to Jesper Carlsen’s piece titled” A Third way for Somaliland and Somalia” published on 19 January, 2012 on Somaliland Times and various Somaliland websites.
First, Mr. Jesper selected to discuss a topic that he is not familiar with thus a novice. However, we have to thank to Jesper for raising an interesting and important issue, which touches vital and pivotal issue for Somalilanders and that is the independence of Somaliland.
The central aim of Jesper’s piece is what he called “Loose Union” between Somaliland and Somalia, which he asserts is the third way option available for Somaliland and Somalia. Before analyzing Jesper’s piece, it’s of paramount important to first explain the historical facts and the union that issues that surround Somaliland’s experience during the 31 years of the fateful amalgamation with the South.
We hope that Jesper would gain knowledge of the history of the union that he is talking about in order to stop insinuating erroneous remedies “A LOOSE UNION”
Somaliland was the first Somali speaking state to become independent on 26 June, 1960 with more than35 Countries as well as the United Nations offering official recognition.
Compared to other contemporary de-facto states then in existence Somaliland became unique historical for having deferred its sovereignty and united with the Ex-Italian trust territory as a result of Somalilanders who started and struggled for the idea of a Greater Somalia.
The folly of this was that Somaliland rushed headlong in to immediate union-unconditionally and poorly prepared. The union was never legally ratified by the two States. Somaliland conceded the presidency, the prime minister, and the key ministerial posts.
The nationalist fervour in with which Somalilanders rushed into union with the Somalia in 1960 quickly turned to disappointment and dissatisfaction when it became apparent that their voice in the government of the Republic was marginal. In 1961 a group of young, Northern army officers that had newly graduated from military colleges in Britain rebelled against what they perceived as unfair treatment by the Southern dominated army leadership and their Southern political masters. This rebellion was quickly put down and the rebels rounded up and imprisoned, however the action of the young officers elicited widespread popular support in the North and the Northern ministers and MPs interceded with the government and the officers were released and reinstated
Right at the outset, the Somali sense of proportional balance was ignored. The South provided the capital city, the anthem, the flag and the constitution. The inequality started from the beginning. According to veteran Hasan Essa Jama, former SNM Chairman, It was not political merger but rather political take over, “The naivety of the political leaders of Somaliland in allowing the Southerners to occupy almost all the high offices of state inevitably resulted in a political takeover rather than a merger of equals. Soon, Somaliland was treated as an administered province and later as an occupied territory”.

While examination how the first friction between the two states started Ambassador Mohamed Osman Omer, who originates from Somalia, notes “The first friction between the two newly Independent territories started when Somaliland felt it had raw deal in the distribution of government seats allocated to it in the first united government in 1960, when the posts of the President and that of the Prime minister were both taken by the “South” while the Prime minister of Somaliland, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, was named Minister. Somaliland regarded this as a belittling and humiliating.
In the context of the union experience between Somaliland and Somalia, it is also important to note that during the 31 years of union no infrastructure was constructed in the north, i.e. no roads, schools, hospitals, telecommunication facilities etc.

During the 31 years of union, Somalilanders experienced and suffered one of the worst human rights violations, which included summary executions, rape, torture, imprisonment or detainment without charges. More than 50,000 people were killed and 500,000 people were forced to flee from their towns. These acts flagrantly violated not only human rights norms but also humanitarian norms relating to the protection of victims of non international armed conflicts.
Mr. Jesper, whether you and your fellow Somali unionists like it or not, the fact of the matter is that Somaliland would never re-unite again with Somalia, whatever the circumstances might be. It is a political fact of life that Somalilanders would continue their journey for the quest of recognition even if it takes the coming hundred years.
When Mr. Jesper is talking about loose union, he ignores a fundamental and basic element of self determination and statehood, namely political consent. Citizens of a state must consent to be citizens of that state and they must consent to the political structures of such a state. Anything short of such consent amounts to coercion and negates the legitimacy of the state. The simple fact is that the people of Somaliland will not countenance any arrangement that does not recognize their independence and their right to self determination as a sovereign nation. They voted for this independence in 2001 when they ratified the ‘independence’ constitution by a margin of 97% in favor.
In the middle of his text, Mr. Jesper argues that “THE INDEPENDENCE OF SOMALILAND WOULD FUEL THE CONFLICT IN THE REGION”. To set the record straight, Somaliland’s case poses no threat to the peace and stability in the region as a whole, when it comes to colonial borders in Africa as well as the current political situation prevailing in the region.
According to an Africa Union fact-finding mission report about Somaliland in 2005, “Objectively viewed, Somaliland’s case should not be linked to the notion of “opening a Pandora’s box”. Somaliland’s recognition would serve the greater interest of the region and would contribute the stability and development of the region.

In the end of his text, Jesper argues that “ Somaliland’s governance record has been tarnished in recent years and that the November 2012 local council elections was characterized with multiple voting and bias in the National Electoral Commission. He further states that 20 people were killed during the election”.
First of all, Somaliland has a good elections track record having conducted five successful democratic elections ranging from local councils, parliamentary to presidential during the last ten years and termed properly free and fair by international election missions that observed them.
These elections prove the political maturity of Somaliland people as well as their model of democracy and state building. Nevertheless, there have been a number of Post-election violence, like the recent one where four people died and it’s also worthy to mention that there have been shortcomings and multiple voting during the 2012 local council elections.
This does not mean that Somaliland’s democracy is tarnished and every new transitional democracy is expected to encounter the above mentioned problems. Comparing Somaliland’s 2012 local council elections with the elections that took place in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Uganda, one can simply conclude that the post-election violence that erupted in Somaliland was the lowest and most negligible in the region.
According to Jesper’ remark that” Somalilanders are now sympathetic about loose union”; it is not only misleading and false but also artificial, because is not based on the reality on the ground.
One of the main reasons that Somaliland started negotiations with Somalia was to get International recognition and the negotiations have demonstrated Somaliland’s political maturity and that it has grown as a fully functioning state with all traits of democratic government.
Somaliland’s main obstacle in garnering the much needed 21 years quest for recognition emanates from the fact that Somalia remained a failed state during all this period thus a closed door for proper avenues of separation negotiations of two equal independent partners, STATE to STATE.
Let Mr. Jesper and his Unionist minded be reminded that Somaliland’s independence is non-negotiable and irrevocable. Somaliland leaders are bound by the Constitution of Somaliland, which mandates them to safeguard the independence of Somaliland.

Written by:
Mohamed A. Mohamoud and
Mohamed A. Duale
Somaliland Independent Intellectual Forum (SIIF)
Email: siifsomaliland@gmail.com
Hargeisa, Somaliland

Somaliland:History of Minelaying

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Somaliland is an unrecognised de-facto independent state located in northwest Somalia in the Horn of Africa.
During colonial times, the region was the British Somaliland Protectorate. It did not join a united Somalia until 1960. British Somaliland became independent on 26th June 1960 as the State of Somaliland, and Italian Somaliland’s independence came four days later, whereupon the two entities immediately merged on 1st July 1960 as the Somali Republic. Between 1981 and 1991, the Somali National Movement (SNM), a rebel army of mostly northern Somali followers, waged an armed insurrection against the regime of Mohamed Said Barre and his Somali National Army (SNA). This period saw the indiscriminate use of landmines against the civilian population, their homes and farmlands.
In 1991, after the collapse of the central government in Somalia, the people of Somaliland declared an independent Republic of Somaliland that now includes six of the eighteen administrative regions of Somalia.
The majority of the landmine problem in Somaliland comes as a result of over 18 years of warfare. Most of the minefields were laid during 1979 – 1988 war between Somalia and Ethiopia (known as the Ogoden war) and later during Somalia civil war in 1988-1991 that led to Somaliland’s de-facto independence. It’s believed that some additional minefields were laid during the more recent conflict over border disputes between Somaliland and Puntland.
In general, minefields in Somaliland fall into one of the following groups.
Border defence. Laid in the 1970’s by the Somalia National Army (SNA) consisting of anti-personnel (AP) and anti-tank (AT) mines to prevent mechanized assault by Ethiopia during and immediately after the Ogaden war.
Border defence. Laid in the 1980’s by the SNA (mostly AP) to prevent incursions by the Somaliland National Movement (SNM) and other rebel groups operating from Ethiopia – and later laid in the disputed areas in Somaliland and Puntland border.
Base defence. Perimeter minefields laid in the 1980’s by the SNA around military positions on or near the border (AP & AT) to protect against attacks.
Routes. Laid by the SNM on roads and tracks used by the SNA in order to disrupt logistics.
And to a lesser extent
Routes. Laid by the SNA on tracks running towards Ethiopia to prevent refugee exodus.
Factional/Clan. Sporadic mining based around land or blood-feud disputes.
The most recent use of landmines in Somaliland took place between 1994 and 1995 when militias opposed to the regime of Somaliland President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal and loyalist forces fought fierce battles in Hargeisa (the capital) and areas south and east of Hargeisa.
In 2009 the Somaliland House of Representatives approved legislation banning the use of anti-personnel (AP) mines.
Source:HALO Trust

THE ARGUMENT FOR RECOGNITION OF SOMALILAND REPUBLIC

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I. Introduction After a bloody civil war, in January 1991 Siad Barre’s Twenty-one-years regime was over thrown in Somalia. The Northern Half of Somalia Declared its Independence as the Republic of Somaliland in May 1991. This outline summarizes the main arguments for the propriety of such a declaration and its recognition as an independent state under international law. A thorough study is under preparation.

The State of Somalia, which came into existence in 1960, resulted from a merger between two independent states, the Northern Somaliland, a British Protectorate and Southern Somalia, an Italian Trust Territory. General Siad Barre took over the administration in a coup in 1969 and led the country through a calamitous period of chaos and repression until he was deposed by the combined might of several liberation movements such as the Somali National Movement (SNM), which had been waging its battle against his regime since 1981. After his overthrow, the south has been a Hobbesian nightmare of inter clan fighting whereas the independent Somaliland remains the most stable region in the Horn of Africa.

II. Validity of Independence in Historical Perspective

Somali society is comprised of various clans such as Digil, Rahanweyn, Dir , Isaaq, Hawiy e, and Darood, and the dynamics of interaction between them determines the distribution of political power in Somalia.

1 The Legal Regime of State and Sovereignty

The primary issue is the extent to which the assertion of independence is a valid manifestation of sovereignty over territory and thus forms a legal basis for the formation of a state under international law. A survey of the applicable law reveals that the issue can be broken down into the question of the nature of Somaliland’s sovereign rights before and after the act of Union of 1960 and the extent to which this will be disparities of the viability of the Union.

2 Sovereignty under the Treaties of 1884 and the Act of Union of 1960

Britain signed formal treaties with the Somali Clans in 1884. These treaties were specifically intended to ensure the maintenance of the Independence of the Somali clans and did not cede any territory to Britain. Further, the treaties were also of a provisional character. The nature of the treaties leave no doubt at all that the Somali clans retained a large measure of sovereignty. The capacity to conclude treaties is itself an attribute of international personality. Old international law may have considered such treaties as not international, but the contemporary standards exhibited by the World Court in the Western Sahara case in 1975 reject such views. As a result, the Somali Clans existed a s international persons.

The two territories were independent countries with no links between them. There was no unifying force from within. On the contrary, two external factors served to bring ab out this precipitate union. The first was the proposal by the British Foreign Secretary Mr. Bevin in 1946 to create a “ Great Somalia”. The second was the cession of the Haud and Ogaden to Ethiopia by Britain in 1954. Both served as stimulants of national identity. When the union was signed there were a number of legal loose ends. Since both th e North and South were Independent countries, they could unite only by an international treaty as in the case of the Germanys. Such a treaty was never signed.

The Somaliand “ North” passed a “ union law” which did not have any legal validity in south and the constitutional requirements regarding the election of the President were never completed. Conscious of such legal loopholes, the National Assembly attempted to remedy the situation by passing a retroactive “union” law in January 1961. The absence of the leg al basis for the union is clear and convincing. Furthermore, the North “Somaliland” decisively rejected the draft constitution in a referendum evidencing a permanent rift between north and south.

III-Arguments for Independence under Contemporary International law

1-Violation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms

It has always been an accepted rule that oppression, including the deprivation of basic rights such as right to life, justifies secession. Hugo Grotius mentions that a ruler who shown himself to be the enemy of the people can be deposed and vittles emphasizes that the primary duty of the ruler is to safeguard the welfare of the citizens and once he/she violates that cardinal rule, he can be deposed. In International law, human rights are embodies in various treaties such as the International Bill of Rights and are also acknowledged to be rules of jus cogent. Accordingly, there is a right to secede from a state, if the political establishment engages in such gross and grave human rights violations including genocide. This finds support among many jurists. The test to determine the extent of deprivation of human rights and the legitimacy of secession is whether a group is being targeted due to its ethnic, cultural of other unique characteristic.

The regime of General Siad Barre “ Afweyne” practiced genocidal attacks on the Northern Clans, especially Isaaq. The bombing and shelling of two cities in the North Hargeisa and Burao alone killed 50,000 and another 2,000,000 fled to Ethiopia. African Watch reports that inhuman practices were committed on woman and children. Most of the people killed or displaced were Isaaq. The government forces also looted everything and laid over a million land mines in the North “Somaliland”. Several U.S. government documents including the State Department’s Human Rights Reports attest to the massive violations of human rights such as rights to life and habeas corpus. Under these circumstances the SNM and the people in the North “ Somaliland” had a legal right under international law to at in their self-preservation.

2-Self-Determination

Article one of the International Bill of Rights refers to the right to self-determination, as does the U.N.Charter in Article 1 and 55. The principal questions here are however, whether the right to self-determination is applicable in Somalia and if it is, whether it will entitle Somaliland to claim independence. There are sound reasons why the right to self-determination should be conceded to Somaliland. First, one of the reasons behind Somaliland’s assertion of Independence is the incompatibility between northern and southern regions. The incompatibility arises from distinct colonial experiences, which contribute, to a unique identity. Where the reason for self-determination claims lay in historical experiences that are grounded in colonialism, there is no reason to deny the right to the people who wish to exercise it. Second, when the assertion of self-determination does not result in changes in international boundaries and does not pose a threat to inter-state peace, it ought not to be denied to achieve the short-term goal of doctrinal uniformity. Somaliland has expressly stated that it accepts the boundaries of the British protectorate in 1960. Third, when the assertion of self-determination is more conducive to inter-state peace, its validity is strengthened manifold. It is to be noted that Somaliland has the potential of solving longstanding regional disputes with Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti, due to its acceptance of colonial borders and close ties with Ethiopia.

Finally, legal right of self-determination arises upon the abuse of the political principle of self-determination. In this connection two related issues have to be remembered. First, North “ Somaliland” had overwhelmingly rejected the unified constitution in a referendum. Second, the U.N. practice of conducting plebiscites prior to desalinization, as in the case of British Togo land. Under these circumstances, right to self-determination appears to be applicable to Somaliland. The exercise of such a right should also enable it to claim its independence.

IV. The Arguments for Recognition

1. The legal nature of recognition

Old International law settled questions of title by the tool of recognition. Theories such as “declaratory” and “constitutive” were used to debate about the nature and function of recognition. However, in contemporary international law, recognition alone is not dispositive in determining the legal status of states. Other norms of a humanizing character have entered the process of making states. To the extent however, that recognition enables a people to internationalize their claims, it is useful.

A head count of all authorities’ shows that the declaratory view prevails, that recognition only confirms the fact of existence of a state. It is not practical politics to refuse to recognize a state if it possesses attributes of statehood. The attributes of statehood as laid down in the Montevideo convention are a government, territory, defined population and a capacity to enter into international relations. It is evident that Somaliland possesses all the attributes of statehood. Its distinct people occupy their traditional territory and the government has effective control over the population.

Under these circumstances, the recognition of Somaliland is an international imperative.

2. Conformity with international law

As indicated above, Somaliland has renounced territorial claims on other countries that the earlier Somalia had subsumed under its banner of “ Greater Somalia “. It has accepted the colonial borders. As is well known, Somalia irredentism was a major source of in stability on the Horn of Africa and its removal paves the way for peace stability and prosperity in the region. Furthermore, the acceptance of colonial borders is in accordance with the OAU policy. Fears of balkanization as a result of the recognition of Somaliland are unfounded since no new border is being created as in fact, for the first time colonial borders troubled borders are those of Somaliland. Lastly, the International community is under an obligation to recognize because of the obligation to protect and promote human rights under Articles 55 and 56 of the U.N. charter. Only international attention can assist the fledgling state to stand on its own feet.

V. Conclusion

The Birth of Somaliland is an inevitable result of a distinct colonial experience. It is also the result of extreme economic exploitation and human suffering. The irredentist policies of Somalia also contributed to the alienation of the northern population, which never acceded to the union in the first place. While the past cannot be undone, the international community has a rare opportunity to bring peace and prosperity to the Horn. By a single act of recognition, it can end the sad sage of human suffering; enhance the prospects for peace in the region by putting an end to the Greater Somalia concept, and en able the people of Somaliland to reclaim their future.

ANIIS A. ESSA. DIRECTOR
SOMALILAND ADVOCACY GROUP
WASHINGTON DC…USA
aniis@yahoo.com

Somaliland Army Crush Khatuumo Aligned Militiamen

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Six injured militiamen who were among 10 other captured by Somaliland army this week in the district of Hudun of sool region have been brought to Burco general hospital for specialized treatment.

The Khatuumo affiliated militiamen were held at the Burco maximum prison after been captured during a fierce firefight last Tuesday in Hudun district after a failed ambush they had launched on a Somaliland army base,said Gen Shaqalle.

General Ismael Mohamed Osman (Shaqalle) told reporters during a press briefing “ units belonging to the national army had dispelled an ambush on a military base in Hudun  ,inflicting heavy losses on the Khatuumo militiamen capturing 10 prisoners and 2 technical battle-wagons and one heavy duty vehicle after  pursing  them as they tried to flee for more the 40km,.

The army chief also revealed that two soldiers belonging to the national army were injured in the battle which lasted more than two hours.

Somaliland Red crescent society has been granted access to the six militiamen.

Goth M Goth

Somaliland:UAE Owned Ship Carrying Unwanted Cargo turned Away

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Berbera port authority has confirmed  that it has taken a bold decision of  sending the oil tanker with the petroleum products that have been deemed as sub-standard away for not meeting requirements.

This comes in the wake of last week reports that a ship carrying sub standard petroleum products was docked a waiting discharge its cargo at the Berbera port fuel terminal was suddenly blocked from doing so, when it was established that the product was outside the specification’s required by Somaliland Bureau of Standards .

The ship had been ordered to sail back to Dubai yesterday with its port of origin with its load of unwanted cargo after the laboratory in Djibouti we use to check all fuel confirmed the cargo it was carrying didn’t met the standards said, the director of Berbera fuel storage facility.

The Director of Berbera Fuel Facility told reporters” the government is determined to address the problem which has in the past seen sub-standard fuel being sold in local market which had in turn caused many local businesses to incur financial loss because of using sub standards  quality fuel which was not in full conformity with the Somaliland Bureau of Standards specifications”.

Mr. Osman Abdi Barkhdale (Shiine) “we advise all local businessmen who are involved in the fuel importation to adhere with the standards set by the government and always put quality as a top priority when it comes to importing fuel products because we are determined to implement strict procedure so as to conform to both local and international.

The unwanted cargo on board the UAE owned ship belonged to Somaliland businessmen.

Goth M Goth

Keep on chewing: Tom Peck chews the khat with British-Somalis, as the Government’s official drugs advisory body rejects calls to ban the herbal stimulant

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ACMD says there is not enough evidence to say khat is linked to ill-health, social problems or terror groups
It is banned in the US, banned in the Netherlands, but the UK Government’s official drugs advisory body has rejected calls to ban khat, a herbal stimulant from east Africa.
Somalis, Yemenis, Kenyans and Ethopians regularly chew the stuff, its chief advantage over other narcotics being it not expressly outlawed in the Koran. Planes full of the plants fly to the UK every week, which is then dispatched to parts of the country with large east African populations, and sold perfectly legally, mainly in newsagents and corner shop style grocers. Most of the stuff that makes it to the UK comes from Kenya, where it fetches more than coffee and bananas. A UK ban would have been devastating news for large numbers of Kenyan farmers. An estimated £400m is spent on the stuff in the UK every year, and being legal, a sizeable chunk of this goes to the exchequer.
The Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs (ACMD) said there was “insufficient evidence” that khat caused health problems. It was a sentiment echoed by Beka, a Somalian buying a £6 bunch of the stuff at the Al-aseel supermarket on London’s decidedly Arabian thoroughfare, Edgware Road,. “It’s not like drug, not like alcohol,” he said. He has been chewing it for twenty years. “It’s like Red Bull, you know. You chew it for help concentrate. Reading book. Or interviewing for job.” So The Independent bought a bunch too. The shopkeeper, who didn’t want to be named, said it was the first bunch he had sold to a white person.
Consumers of khat chew its leaves and the tender part of the stems, a little bit at a time, until they are soft, then deposit the stuff, hamster-like stuff into the cheeks, where it accumulates into a ball to be spat out hours and hours later. In East African khat houses, and the UK too – number 15, in Southall, west London is the best known – big round cheeks are a status symbol.
It tastes hideous. Overwhelmingly bitter, like biting into a pot plant. The mouth then floods with saliva, compelling you to swallow, which you’re not supposed to do (it’s not dangerous, but swallowing would limit the effects). At this point you take a sweet drink to take away the bitterness, chew for a bit, then send to the cheeks.
A couple of hours later, this reporter felt decidedly wired. Talkative, but rather anxious. Perhaps like drinking three pints and four espressos. It is mild, nowhere near as potent as alcohol, but if this is forbidden, you can see the appeal. It stimulates dopamine, causing excitement, and mild euphoria. The same as chewing coca leaves, the base ingredient for cocaine and around a thousand times milder, a practice popular throughout the Andes.
Yemeni businessman chew it while talking over deals. Mahdi Jama, a Somalian, and a regular chewer at Southall’s Number 15, told Channel 4 News: “Why you ban something my father, his father and his father done it. I understand there are people who have a lot, a lot, of problems with it, but those people are people who are addicts. You have the same problem with alcohol, cigarettes or weed.” It is an argument that feeds into a feeling of discrimination. Why should the teetotal East African community have their narcotic of choice banned?
“If I wanted to get married tomorrow the first thing I would do is I would buy loads of khat and sit down with my father in law and we would have a good chat,” Mr Jama said. “Because, I cannot buy a bottle of wine for him. He is a Muslim man.”
Opponents to khat, who have come primarily from within the Somali community where it is most widespread, point to the problems of addiction, unemployment and family breakdown.
Their particular concern is for its spread amongst the young. Its legality, they claim, makes young people think it is safe to use it.“
ACMD chairman Professor Les Iversen said the review ”found insufficient evidence of either health or societal harms caused by the use of khat to justify its control in the UK“.
He added: ”We have listened to concerns of the community and recommend local authorities and the police address these through continued engagement.“
Abukar Awale, a former addict, leads the campaign to ban it. He recently held prayers outside Downing Street to put pressure on the government. ”We will challenge the decision,” he said. “For the government, it’s not about how harmful this product is, it’s who is using it – and that is discrimination. Our lawyers have been preparing for this, and we will take legal action within the next three months.“

The Independent

Somaliland: Recognition of the Somali Government

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 is it a preemptive or prerequisite for Somaliland’s question for recognition?

As events unfold for the Somali people in the Somali region things cannot get better as it stands now over the past two decades for both Somalia and Somaliland.

The recognition that is, comes in two folds.

  • At the international arena
  • At the Somali arena.
  •  At the international arena,

What has changed in the international arena is a Somali government has been recognized for a sovereign nation that was a member in the United Nations, even though still its very existence is enforced by the international community. In the last twenty two years no government had qualified to earn the legitimacy of a representative Somali government.  The main reasons are after Siyad Barre’s downfall there was no official transfer of power. When the vacuum emerged then the war between Ali Mahdi and Aideed Farah over the seat had began and continued for a number of years throughout the nineties. It was then the first international intervention when everything went dark until when the era of the exile governments began to emerge.

For example,

  • The exile government of Abdul qassim Salad Hassan formed in Arta, Djibouti of. 2000-2004
  • The  exile government of  Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed formed in Kenya. 2004-2008
  • The second exile government of Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed formed in Djiboute. 2009-2012

 

The exile nature  of those governments was a major deficiency in their legitimacy. However as part of its transitional charter of the TFG government– the mandate was to move to a legitimate government. The least of it was to be formed inside the country, the creation of a constitution, a parliament chosen from all the regions including Somaliland.

Anything less could never have made a legitimate government that the international community can endorse for its sovereignty.  Somaliland was a crucial part in the legitimization process for the official Somali government and in order to complete the mission to the finish line, the transitional government had to reach to the Somaliland side when Sheikh Sheriff and President of Somaliland met in the UAE.  It was the due process to build a legal Somali government.

 At the Somali arena.

While the grievances of the Somalis are still smoldering inside, now the ball is in their court the legitimacy and sovereignty are the basic rights of its people but the fairness is not accepted in the Somali arena. Somaliland refutes its entirety. But the fact it refutes doesn’t mean it did not participate in its formation. For instance, the notorious 4.5 assembly inherited from the late TFG, is ridiculous and unrepresentative of the union between the North and the South. But, one will say then why Somaliland participated in the finish line of the TFG. Let’s briefly look at the rich Somali wisdom.  “it was said once  a lady  harnessed a camel but in the end could not  get the camel lift off the ground, and in the process called Sheikh Abdulqadir to power his camel to lift off the ground, Sheikh Abdulqadir was a pious  muslim scholar some people believe by calling him can help ease their suffering. However, when fortunately the camel lifted off the ground, she was asked who was  Sheikh Abdulqadir by her peers who were unaware the person he was. She replied I don’t know but all that I needed was to lift my camel off the ground”. The 4.5 was typically not something Somaliland knew, nor cared about but all that maters to Somaliland people was the Camel lifting off the ground.  Now the sovereignty of Somalia is in the hands of its people. it is at this stage where it can never be better for Somaliland to pursue and get separation from the rest of Somalia.   Yes, the recognition that is, makes a prerequisite for it’ s separation but this is not a preemptive for it’s question for separation. It is rather the voice is now more louder without much noise in the background of what government should we deal with for this matter – if we see back in the history, this has been the case in The Ethiopia/Eriteria Model, Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan Model.  Each case had one official legitimate party releasing the second party.  Likewise, the arbitration of Somalia/Somaliland separation follows the same model and needs to be enforced and supervised by the international community. If the international community does not have the official on the other side the Somaliland case will remain in legal limbo. Let us not forget, the makeup of the Somali government can never be possible without the international community enforcing its very existence, the funding, policing and defense included.  The fact that Somaliland will sit with Somalia again in the near future it is time the international communities play the arbitration on the one hand while on the other hand refraining to leave the initiative to begin from within between the two Somalis.  It is paramount to the legitimacy of the Somali government to get to respond the demand of Somaliland for the union they entered together.

The conclusion is the recognition of Somali government is not a preemptive move for Somaliland’s question for recognition but it’s a closer step and a prerequisite for its recognition.  I complement the world community and especially the United States of America to bring to an end to the anarchy in Somalia.

 

Ahmed A.

 

 

Somaliland:independent press is still immature and filthy!!!

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As Journalist or journalism field, the entrance of this role is to know the different between opinion and genuine news often to avoid causing further damage and destruction to the society you serve. It is doubtless that mostly unprofessional individuals are involved in this field who create daily arguments and political suspicion in the society, this happens lack of knowledge and unaware of exactly the serious impact of this problematic activities damaging the reputation, union and better living of Somaliland society generally which are irresponsibly reiterated by these mafia on papers and websites with out proper knowledge of the filed.

Of course, there are good, clean journalists in this field who are accustomed to deliver very reliable and important news to the society or their nation. But mainly the nature of Somaliland journalism is a way of tribalism, revenge, based on a personal opinion rather than accurate and precise duties of journalism role freely and neutrally that defends the integrity, sovereignty and dignity of the nation, as well as national politicians who always deserve to have certain level of respect whether you like or not.

The current behaviour of Somaliland websites, daily papers and all independent press activities are not in the proper position in terms of knowledge and ethics of the field as well. Why not improve the journalism techniques and best way of presentations instead of using their work as a bullet to destroy the livelihood of the society on daily basis. There is no different of piracy in the sea, warlords operate in the grounds by hindering the better continuation of the Somaliland society’s way of life.

People habitualize this kind of dirty business in the name of journalism, must see the wider picture and go to the colleges to study and understand fully, what it means to be a brilliant and professional journalist. At the moment, it looks a gun point on the head of the society, especially the very important people like business people, politicians and so on. People are somehow held in for ransom and threatened unfairly for the purpose of extortion

Abdilahi John

UK

 

Somaliland is democratic state that has its institutions that is based for equality and justice for all citizens regardless of their status.

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Somaliland has come from a long way to since declaring its independent from the rest of Somalia on 1991. The businesses were booming and were mostly run by women. Its estimated that 70% of the population are women. Despite being the 70% of the population, women in general have struggled to have their input in relation politics and other means of advancing the country. These obstacles have always been there traditionally.

Their number enemies are tribal and religious leaders whom do not want these women not advance or compete with their fellow countrymen. These people claim to be that women should be at home taking are of domestics issues rather than country issues with no justification from the religious point of view.

Since Somaliland has declared its own state for nearly 22 years, 5 democratic elections were held, and an estimated of 85% of the electoral are women and youth, and many intellectual citizens noticed that women should be on the front seat to lead the elections or compete the candidacy with fellow men with lots of support from the population as a whole.

Its unforgettable that the role that women played on the latest municipality elections held in the country with huge support form the public. Regrettably, none of the women had made to grab seats for these local elections. Its arguable that all these women were singled out not to represent at the municipality, and every effort were made to ensure that none of them proceeds to next face.  All those honorable women believe that they were rigged and could have challenged with the electoral commission but left for the sake of not creating chaos within the population, as the situation could have been deteriorated should they have go ahead with challenging those looters.

Women will not be put off by these barbaric actions, but will fight to reclaim their justice, as they are citizens themselves, and would carry on the fight to ensure that there is justice for all.

By Ilham Hassan