Perhaps the Public Works Minister ought to shed more light on the matters of the issuance of driving licenses in the country before it boomerangs in the future.
This appeal is logical given that matters of personal, national and inter-national privileges, security or rights to private information may be infringed or, largely, put in a precarious situation.
If given the similitude of Hon. Habsade equating the private company’s issuance of DLs to that of the vehicle number plates, does he mean that the agent would ONLY supply the driving licence books (or cards) whether digital or not?
If so, it is well and good. If not, then we should not succumb to hasty decision whose most probable future may have in store serious security and legal repercussions for the country.
This is because we believe that those who supply the number plates are not privy to personal information hence do not hold the log-books to vehicles nor process their application forms.
It is clear that the registration of motor vehicles are sensitive since the applicants have to supply information on their personnel selves (e.g. IDs etc where necessary).
This should be things to be entrusted only upon the state alone.
Given that the national identification system is still absent, how should the DL issuance be placed in private hands?
Worse of all is that absence of the personal identification national index makes it difficult for the criminal investigations department to issue fool proof certifications of good personal conducts for lack of standard and proper finger-printing system and allied systemic data banks, how can the state relieve off its watch over such a core department? More light should be shed on the issue since significant and important line departments have to be established before hand, serious future repercussions notwithstanding.
A new dawn for the security servicemen,in a double celebration at annual festivity
The President H.E. Ahmed Mohammed Mohamoud has established the long awaited ranking system in the security service in the country yesterday at practically a double festivity celebration.
He also created three new deputy commanding posts hence named their occupants.
The Head of State put the lapels on the shoulders of top military, police and prison commanders on the occasion of celebrating the 19th Armed Forces annual festivals since its inauguration on the 2nd February 1994.
It was indeed an overwhelming happy moment for the nation and the security arms of the country which was best described by the President himself.
“I am extremely happy to preside in such an occasion (of establishment of ranks in forces hierarchy) during my administration”.
The President reminded the audience that it was part and parcel of his pledge during the Presidencial election campaigns that has been realized.
He thanked all who were concern in the preparations and in the same breath paid tribute to the national security forces for the consistant vigillance in keeping peace and security for stability in the country.
The Defence Minister gave a lengthy speech that elaborated on the essence, need and the important significance of having the security service and its systems in a country.
Fresh from being made a Major General, Cmdr. Ismael Mohammed Osman, the Chief army commander spoke of the development steps taken by the armed forces in the past year.
Apart from Major Gen. Ismael, other commanders newly merited hence made brigadier generals are:-
National Police Commander Abdillahi Fadal Iman,
National Prisons Commander Mohammed Hassan,
Army Commander Abdillahi Mohamed
Deputy Army Commander Amed Yusuf Awale.
A total of 12 commanders were given the new ranks of colonels and above.
The President similarly created new posts in the security hierarchy in which he named Ahmed Ali Yusuf as the new second deputy commander of the armed forces.
Dahir Ali Wa’ais and Ali Omar Ahmed were also named as the new National Second deputy commanders for both the police and prison forces respectively.
We stand in solidarity with Somaliland’s foreign minister Dr. Mohamed Abdilahi Omar’s unequivocal denunciation of Britain’s Foreign Office which was later echoed by Somaliland’s ambassador at large kaysar abdillahi.
Somalilanders wasted no time in taking to streets to express their unified displeasure with Britain’s political expediency.
The UK’s current maneuver is mere a political cover rather than an identified substantial threat that merits the distressing of their nationals in Somaliland.
In a one size fits all approach to cover all basis the UK’s foreign office has unfortunately attached Somaliland to the fluid situation in Mali where the Islamist have been advancing, the siege in Algeria where dozens lost their lives, and the aftermath of American tragedy in Benghazi. Once the UK’s actions are viewed within this context it becomes quite clear to comprehend that there is no imminent threat to foreigners in Somaliland, but that this is a political cover vaguely couched to deflect blame in case something were to materialize.
With all the superlatives bestowed on Somaliland none describes it better than “Oasis of Peace”.
Discernibly Somaliland’s status is not fortuitous but the reality that beat the odds and sustained prolonged peace by adapting to changing condition. 2008 we witnessed the coordinated terrorist attacks that tore through Somaliland and due to that all Somalilanders are united and remain steadfast in maintaining their hard-won peace and security in a close proximity to the World’s Failed State where the chaos is the norm and pirates and terrorist roam.
We are not naïve or impervious to the threats that face us, erected in the heart of our capital city is fighter jet which stands as testament to value and virtue of peace that we unreservedly seek. The ideals that we hold dear and idioms of peace and prosperity(nabad iyo caano) that our language profess are all shaped by historical context in which our perspective is framed and there is no differing perspectives on this among Somalilanders. The security that prevails in Somaliland is a tangible asset that was born out of rubble built by consensus and safeguarded by all with unwavering resolve and unmatched adamancy. It is only in Somaliland where large sums of money of every denomination are left in streets unguarded, and people of all sorts walk the streets after dark unfazed.
I commend Somaliland’s foreign minister for his timely and explicit repudiation of Britain’s rhetoric.
The Ministry of public works and national housing has awarded a privately owned firm the authority to issue national driving licenses.
The awarding of the Contract was confirmed by the minister of public works and national housing Hon Ahmed Abdi Mahmoud Haabasade in a telephone interview with somalilandpress.com.
The Public works minister when asked why he chose to depart from traditions of the issuance of the national driving licenses, he replied by saying “Our decision to award the private firm came about after many considerations on our part with the main focus remained on Road Safety.
“The decision is also based on finding a Standard structure of issuance of driving licenses at the national level to deliberate on road safety, taxation ,assume ownership, take a stand and act decisively, to mitigate the avoidable human suffering,” said Hon Haabasade.
Public Works minister enforced his position by downplaying by the risk of exposing citizen’s private information by saying “There is nothing wrong in awarding a private firm the right to authorize driving licenses as long as they work in accordance with our guidelines.
Lastly the minister denied allegation which purported his ministry was planning to increase the fee charged while applying for new driving licenses.
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) – The U.N. Security Council should consider lifting an arms embargo on Somalia to help rebuild the country’s security forces and consolidate military gains against al Qaeda-linked al Shabaab, U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon suggested in a report Friday.
The council imposed the embargo in 1992 to cut the flow of arms to feuding warlords, who a year earlier ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre and plunged Somalia into civil war. Council diplomats said the arms embargo was “under discussion” as the delegations have not reached a final agreement.
Somalia’s president and prime minister were elected last year in the country’s first national vote since 1991.
“Enhanced efforts are … urgently needed to develop the Somali National Security Forces,” Ban said in the report to the 15-member council. “In this regard, the Security Council may wish to consider the repeated request by the government for lifting the arms embargo.”
Somalia wants help strengthening its poorly equipped and often ill-disciplined military that is more of a loosely affiliated umbrella group of rival militias than a cohesive fighting force loyal to a single president.
There are 17,600 U.N.-mandated African Union peacekeepers helping battle the Islamist rebels in Somalia. The African Union has also appealed to the Security Council to review the arms embargo on Somalia.
“Although security has improved considerably in Somalia, the struggle is far from over. The insurgents continue to carry out their attacks using terrorist attacks and targeted assassinations,” Ban said.
“These spoilers will seize any opportunity to reverse the gains,” he said. “We must continue to stay alert and deny them the space they seek. We should continue to explore the measures already identified, such as travel bans and asset freezes, as we determine when and to whom these must be applied.”
Ban also recommended in the report that a new U.N. assistance mission to deliver political and peacebuilding support be established in Somalia and that the Security Council consider a U.N. or joint U.N.-AU peacekeeping mission once the combat operations against Al-Shabaab come to an end.
He said planning for the deployment of the new U.N. assistance mission should take place as soon as possible and that it be based in Somalia instead of neighboring Kenya, now that security has improved.
The Security Council needs to renew the mandate for the AU peacekeeping force in Somalia, known as AMISOM, by early March.
The council is also considering a call to permit the export of stocks of charcoal. It banned the sale abroad of Somali charcoal in last February in an attempt to cut off al Shabaab’s funding.
The Security Council’s Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, an independent panel that reports on compliance with U.N. sanctions, says charcoal exports from southern Somalia in 2011 generated over $25 million for al Shabaab.
Source: Reuters
Somaliland National Assembly has today passed the Somaliland national airports levy and security bill. The original national airports levy and security bill draft bill presented by the ministry of Aviation and Air transported and has seen few amendments to some of the clauses in the bill by the parliamentary Committee in charge for Economics, Investment and Trade.
The Deputy first speaker Hon Bashe Mohamed Farah Presided over today’s session in which 49 MPs out of the 82 MPs of which the house was composed were present.
The National Airport security levy bill was passed by 46 MPs out 49 MPs who were Present during the vote; 2MPs voted against the bill while 1 abstain from voting.
The Passing of the National Airport levy and security bill will be crucial to enhancement security of our national airports and from now on every passenger using our airports will have to pay a compulsory $10 levy to the National Airports Services and Handling Agency (NASHA) a private firm is responsible for collection the levy.
The Bill also empowers the ministry of civil aviation and air transport to adopt the sole responsibility of developing and modernizing of the national airports.
Somalia, located in the Horn of Africa, has for years been plagued with problems of instability, piracy and extremism. But on January 18, after about two decades without formal relations, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton officially recognized the government of Somalia, for having turned itself around.
For Somalia, this is wonderful news, but what does this statement mean for Somaliland, an unrecognized state, located in the northern tip of Somalia, that declared its independence from Somalia in 1991? The country is a fledgling democracy which has its own constitution, held peaceful elections, opened schools and universities, established a central bank that prints its own currency and has its own security mechanism.
Karthik Pottipatti, 24, an Indian American graduate of Claremont Mckenna College in politics and winner of a German fellowship to study economics at the Freie Universitaet, Berlin, spent six months last year teaching at the University of Hargeisa — Somaliland’s flagship public University. Karthik is currently studying law at Harvard University. His experience living, working and traveling, with a military style canvas duffle bag, has shed light on a country which he describes as a peaceful forward thinking Islamic democracy.
I interviewed Karthik about his experience and the following is an excerpt of the interview:
So why did you decide to go to Somaliland?
I was interested and curious about Somaliland because it’s a functioning democracy without any interference or influence from the west. The country has built democratic institutions without having a modern history of democracy.
What did you teach at the University of Hargeisa and what was your experience like?
Under the foreign teacher’s program, I taught English and Economics to freshmen, sophomores and juniors. There are more than 1500 students enrolled in bachelor degree programs at the University of Hargeisa. The school runs a comprehensive program, including the important task of training the countries medical doctors.
But unfortunately the university does not compare when it comes to faculty or facilities or resources for students. This is not for lack of effort but more of a reality of living in an area where resources are very limited, and where international recognition limits how much assistance they can get from other universities and other governmental and non-governmental organizations.
You speak about Somaliland’s lack of recognition. How does that impact the students?
Since the country is unrecognized there are not many international scholarship programs available for these students. Personally this is a shame as Somaliland is a democracy just like ours and there are a few students I felt who could take advantage of an education in the U.S. or Europe.
For a country where the educational infrastructure is being built from the ground up, it is important for students to go to other countries and learn best practices and bring it back to Somaliland. The country needs professionals — from well-trained economists who can run the central bank, and design an Islamic banking system that is conducive to growth and investment, to medical professionals who can educate the next generation of doctors in the country.
Secondly, the lack of recognition serves as a disincentive for other organizations to make partnerships with universities within Somaliland. This has effected the University of Hargeisa as it is currently not internationally accredited.
Somaliland was completely destroyed when Said Barre’s forces bombed the country during the civil war. When the war ended in the early 90’s the country had to rebuild from scratch. The intellectual community that fled Somaliland prior to the war left a void that now needs to be filled.
Maybe the international community is weary of getting involved because of the security situation in Somaliland? What was your experience there like?
Somaliland is mainly a stable country, and all foreigners must live with security personnel. We had guards living with us in the house, but this did not deter me from going on runs in the morning with my colleagues.
I did not feel that we were in danger and this has a lot to do with the Somaliland government’s interest in keeping at bay terrorist groups like the Al Shabab, which was an active force in southern Somalia (the Shabab is a militant group that has ties to al-Qaeda).
Somaliland has been vigilant in fighting the Shabab. And this is not just the police. Ordinary Somaliland citizens recognize that the Shabab is a dangerous and intolerant group. Because the country is clan based, outsiders are immediately spotted and the Somaliland police work with NGO’s to eliminate the threat.
What was your experience living in a Muslim country? Were you under pressure to convert to Islam?
I had to dress conservatively in business casual clothes. In a Muslim country there is less freedom in what you can do and in expressing yourself. They did encourage me to convert but I never felt pressured to convert as they don’t believe in forced conversions to Islam.
Somaliland is a testament to capitalism. You can find things here from the U.S., China and India. When we talk of Islam and democracy, many times we feel these are odds with each other. But here is a country that has generated a working democracy by itself.
Soon after Karthik left Somaliland, the foreign teachers program was closed. After hearing of Somalia’s recognition he said, “This is an opportunity for us to re-examine our policy towards Somaliland and hopefully recognize the sovereignty of an independent Muslim democracy in Africa”.
Heard about the one where the good-will motivated man tried to save the fish from drowning and killed it in the process? Seems like Somaliland’s political approach to the Somalia of malignant failure draws the same line and makes Somaliland look like an idiot of superlative stamp, soft approach and cajoling a collection of psychologically warped, loose groups of inconsequential flair is just a wasteful exercise of fruitless doom, it’s time to take the bull by the horns and treat liability as liability. The so called unionist mostly populated by the grey men of siyadist flag bearers whose decline of status and quality of life is stark opposite to the flourishing and shiny Somaliland are not the type you invest positively in expectation of positive upshots. Its a stand against fattened Somaliland will procure a diminishing existence of me, unionist, federalist of 5.4 patriotism, the Puntland of Majerteniya, the paradox of conflicting mayhem.
Somaliland and its people must take cognizance the progressive nature of its statehood is fuelling an enormous recycled hatred of the lost brigade of yesterday, mushrooming tribal juntas on its borders like khaatumo terror group is not an accident that was catapulted from a thin air, its tribal dismantling of somaliland sourced out from central Somalia which in turn was framed to brush aside Somaliland as mere tribal haven of their colour. We failed to get ourselves involved to shape the outcomes of the political wrestling at mogadisho’s over-saturated circus.
So we got plastic presidents whose temporary gains of monetary maturity relied upon dicing with the unity card flashing, and those who pulverised what use to be Somalia jumped on board to linger on the edges of a doomed existence. United Somalia became the mantra of new profiteering enterprise while Somalis were rendered to the death throes of shame.
Yet we still call upon the somali brotherhood and homogeneity of culture as non state bondage that a separate Somaliland will have no impact at all, we in Somaliland erect an umbrella of dignified stitch-up of different warring tribes under organised system of reconciliation. And with that, the hammer of the dislodged so called unionist persona bangs foolishly on a parallel track of envy, ending with a booming sound of “you will not be recognised”. If they only knew our stamina.
It’s time we call the shots, time to fall in line with the poignant fact that their deep rooted misconception of political interpretation is what makes us unique, thus establishing diversity exists and getting ourselves out of their quagmire and sorry life. It’s high time Somaliland to respond in kind when it becomes a victim of tribal proxy war from its borders and chase the heat to its source. Fall outs from garowe must not be the armed guerrilla of khatumo, it must end in garowe.
The federal tribal constitution that was baked hastily must be deemed as a standard below Somaliland code of political practice and merit no congratulatory statements from our senior politicians. The insanity of the little dusty men marching faintly against the might of the Somaliland determination must be brought to the burrows of its final rest. In a world of intermingled economic networks, Somaliland will stay afloat by default without the recognition they imply we die for. Servicing our interest must be the core of our dealings with Somalia, Somaliland must be tough on these neon athels.
Intelligence services are a brisk business in Somalia. Powerful clans, who had their hopes to use the state for the benefit of their clansmen dashed, have created Intelligence Agencies. All so-called intelligence agencies are modeled on the former Somali military regime’s domestic intelligence service whose main task was to protect the revolutionary government against counter-revolutionaries.
In 2013 president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud inaugurated a new premises for Somali National Intelligence & Security Agency, and the day fell on the 41st anniversary of the agency. Formerly known as National Security Service ( Ciidanka Nabadsugidda Soomaaliyeed), it was a key institution in the former military regime’s oppressive institutions remembered for collective punishment, arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killing.
The institutional continuity of the agency is fictitious. Only Somalia’s new government, formed on 4 November 2012, has misled people into thinking that there is no discontinuity in the history of the agency after the overthrow of the military regime and the subsequent state collapse in 1991.
Defunct institutions created by the military regime— Ciidanka Guulwadayaasha (Victory Pioneers) and Xisbiga Hantiwadaagga Kacaanka Soomaaliyeed ( Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party ) have not been revived.
Apart from the Mogadishu-based intelligence agency there are two intelligence agencies created in Somaliland and Puntland. Recently Somaliland president, Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, “signed into law the National Intelligence Bill”. Somaliland intelligence operatives “can operate in and outside Somaliland”, the new law stipulates.
In Puntland an intelligence service was formed without consultation with Puntland stakeholders in 2002. Formerly known as Puntland Intelligence Service (PIS), it was based in Bosaso city until President Abdirahman Farole of Puntland reorganised the agency and integrated it with security forces of Puntland after PIS failed to stem the tide of assassinations against Puntland government officials, judges and traditional leaders. However, old habits of PIS die hard. Puntland security forces captured and interviewed Al Shabaab operatives who had role in the assassination of Dr Sheikh Ahmed Haji Abdirahman. The carefully edited interviews were handed over to an independent, investigative committee from of the late Ahmed Haji Abidrahaman’s clan.
One of the arrested Al Shabaab operatives interviewed by Puntland security forces is Mohamed Mohamud Mohamed (his nom de guerre is Abu Burayda). He was born in Godale hamlet near Taleh district. The second man is 17 year old Ahmed Mohamed Ali Osman born in Garowe. He identified himself as belonging to Kaskiqabe clan but the Mohamed only mentioned his birth place, enough to give a hint about his clan. To prevent people from concluding that Ahmed belongs to the same clan as Puntland president’s, interviewers instructed him to mention the name of his clan.
Al Shabaab operatives who are believed to have planned and carried out assassinations belong to different clans but Puntland administration manipulated the interview in a futile bid to cement clan cohesion to give ‘misguided clansmen’ a chance to repent.
The two men interviewed by Puntland security forces talked about how they were recruited and roles they played in Al Shabaab’s amniyaat (intelligence agency ) Puntland cell. The assassin fled the scene, they said.
Not all Somali clans have intelligence agencies but rival clans with no intelligence agency may create an intelligence agency to protect their clansmen and clanswomen against hostile clan spies.
Mimicking Somalia dreaded ex-intelligence service is symptomatic of major Somali clans’ pathological desire to usurp the state power and make history repeat itself for Somalis who need an omnipotent analyst and couch with a capacity of at least one million people.
Intelligence services are a brisk business in Somalia. Powerful clans, who had their hopes to use the state for the benefit of their clansmen dashed, have created Intelligence Agencies. All so-called intelligence agencies are modeled on the former Somali military regime’s domestic intelligence service whose main task was to protect the revolutionary government against counter-revolutionaries.
In 2013 president Hassan Sheikh Mohamud inaugurated a new premises for Somali National Intelligence & Security Agency, and the day fell on the 41st anniversary of the agency. Formerly known as National Security Service ( Ciidanka Nabadsugidda Soomaaliyeed), it was a key institution in the former military regime’s oppressive institutions remembered for collective punishment, arbitrary arrests and extrajudicial killing.
The institutional continuity of the agency is fictitious. Only Somalia’s new government, formed on 4 November 2012, has misled people into thinking that there is no discontinuity in the history of the agency after the overthrow of the military regime and the subsequent state collapse in 1991.
Defunct institutions created by the military regime— Ciidanka Guulwadayaasha (Victory Pioneers) and Xisbiga Hantiwadaagga Kacaanka Soomaaliyeed ( Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party ) have not been revived.
Apart from the Mogadishu-based intelligence agency there are two intelligence agencies created in Somaliland and Puntland. Recently Somaliland president, Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, “signed into law the National Intelligence Bill”. Somaliland intelligence operatives “can operate in and outside Somaliland”, the new law stipulates.
In Puntland an intelligence service was formed without consultation with Puntland stakeholders in 2002. Formerly known as Puntland Intelligence Service (PIS), it was based in Bosaso city until President Abdirahman Farole of Puntland reorganised the agency and integrated it with security forces of Puntland after PIS failed to stem the tide of assassinations against Puntland government officials, judges and traditional leaders. However, old habits of PIS die hard. Puntland security forces captured and interviewed Al Shabaab operatives who had role in the assassination of Dr Sheikh Ahmed Haji Abdirahman. The carefully edited interviews were handed over to an independent, investigative committee from of the late Ahmed Haji Abidrahaman’s clan.
One of the arrested Al Shabaab operatives interviewed by Puntland security forces is Mohamed Mohamud Mohamed (his nom de guerre is Abu Burayda). He was born in Godale hamlet near Taleh district. The second man is 17 year old Ahmed Mohamed Ali Osman born in Garowe. He identified himself as belonging to Kaskiqabe clan but the Mohamed only mentioned his birth place, enough to give a hint about his clan. To prevent people from concluding that Ahmed belongs to the same clan as Puntland president’s, interviewers instructed him to mention the name of his clan.
Al Shabaab operatives who are believed to have planned and carried out assassinations belong to different clans but Puntland administration manipulated the interview in a futile bid to cement clan cohesion to give ‘misguided clansmen’ a chance to repent.
The two men interviewed by Puntland security forces talked about how they were recruited and roles they played in Al Shabaab’s amniyaat (intelligence agency ) Puntland cell. The assassin fled the scene, they said.
Not all Somali clans have intelligence agencies but rival clans with no intelligence agency may create an intelligence agency to protect their clansmen and clanswomen against hostile clan spies.
Mimicking Somalia dreaded ex-intelligence service is symptomatic of major Somali clans’ pathological desire to usurp the state power and make history repeat itself for Somalis who need an omnipotent analyst and couch with a capacity of at least one million people.
