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‘Anyone who doesn’t like our alliance with Israel can mind their own business!’ Somaliland’s president tells the JC

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May 27, 2026 12:36 President Hargeisa is interviewed by Jake Wallis Simons By Jake Wallis Simons 6 min read

Life in Somaliland is dominated by Islam. Alcohol is forbidden throughout the country, all the women wear the hijab or burqa and booming prayer calls regularly punctuate the day, starting at 4:30am.

Islamic law is incorporated into official legislation, clan discrimination is widespread and female genital mutilation is not uncommon.

Yet for decades, the territory has enjoyed an unlikely friendship with Israel, which came to spectacular fruition in December when Jerusalem became the first country on Earth to recognise the unofficial state.

When the alliance is mentioned to the 70-year-old president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, who is rarely seen without his horn-rimmed glasses and embroidered kofiya hat, his face lights up.

“Our (formal) relationship is very young, but from the beginning it has been an open, frank, friendly partnership,” he tells the JC from a gilded armchair in the presidential palace.

Somaliland's President Hargeisa with Jake Wallis SimonsSomaliland’s President Hargeisa with Jake Wallis Simons[Missing Credit]

“We are building links in security, the economy, trade and diplomacy. I expect to make an official visit to Jerusalem later this year.”

He dismisses reports of hostility towards Israel in Somaliland as “fake news”, adding: “We all want to see in our future relations with Israel even more friendliness, more growth, more cooperation in technological knowhow.”

What about those in the Muslim world who have criticised his alliance with Jerusalem? “They should mind their own business,” he laughs. “Every country is free to form alliances with whomever it wants.”

Certainly, there is goodwill towards Israel on the ground. When recognition was announced in December, there was a rush to print Israeli flags to wave in the streets, as it had been kept secret until the very last minute, leaving no time to prepare for the celebrations.

Most educated Somalilanders are effusive on the subject of the Jewish state. The fact remains, however, that during the Liberation Day festivities in the capital, Hargeisa, last week, almost no Israeli flags were waved.

Moreover, an Israeli journalist confided that he had been taunted with shouts of “free Palestine” in the street and did not feel safe to be out alone.

Somaliland's President Hargeisa receives an Iron Dome fragment from IsraelSomaliland’s President Hargeisa receives an Iron Dome fragment from Israel[Missing Credit]

The president dismisses these observations. “This is not a concern for me, not at all,” he says.

“This all started when I wrote 193 letters to the leaders of every single UN member state asking for recognition of our country. The only one to respond positively was Benjamin Netanyahu. We are not shy of being a partner with Israel.”

From Somaliland’s point of view, its history is as frustrating as it is tortuous.

During colonial times, it was a British protectorate, catching the eye of London due to its strategic positioning; its 530 miles of coastline leads to the Bab al-Mandab strait, a crucial maritime chokepoint between the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea (to this day, up to 15 per cent of shipping passes through it, and it is sometimes menaced by the Houthis in nearby Yemen).

Somalia, meanwhile, was under Italian control. In 1960, both Western powers withdrew, leading to both Somalia and Somaliland winning international recognition as separate states.

Five days later, however, they agreed to unify, but in the years that followed, the Mogadishu regime became increasingly corrupt, Islamist and brutal.

In the Eighties, hundreds of thousands of Somalilanders were massacred by the regime. Finally, on May 18, 1991 – the 35th anniversary of which was celebrated last week – Somaliland managed to regain the independence it had been granted in 1960. By then, however, the world could not be deterred from its prior commitment to the notion of a unified Somalia.

Somaliland-born British TV presenter Rageh Omaar (centre) with Jake Wallis Simons (right) on The BrinkSomaliland-born British TV presenter Rageh Omaar (centre) with Jake Wallis Simons (right) on The Brink[Missing Credit]

In the years since, Somaliland has distinguished itself by becoming a rare stable democracy in East Africa. Indeed, it is the only jurisdiction in the world to use iris scanners during elections, to prevent voter fraud.

It is friendly to the West and, as its relationship with Israel shows, it has firmly chosen a side in the growing global polarisation between the democracies and their allies and the authoritarian axis of China, Russia and Iran.

Somalia, meanwhile, has become a basket case. Ranked first on the global fragile state index, it is riddled with corruption and its government is full of men with deep links to Al Shabaab. Its prime minister, Hamza Abdi Barre, supports Hamas and has referred to Jewish people as “children of pigs and dogs”.

That is not even the worst of it. Outside the capital, Mogadishu, the country is largely controlled by Al Shabaab – the Al Qaeda affiliate is a sort of mafia/jihadist blend – which deals with the population with an iron fist.

You’d have thought that picking a side would be a no-brainer. Yet Britain, which remains wedded to the outdated vision of a unified Somalia, has lavished aid money on Mogadishu, almost none of which trickled down to Somaliland.

Last year alone, the government handed over £61m of taxpayers’ cash, despite fears that it was funding corruption and even terrorism.

Many of Somaliland’s friends, such as the former defence secretary Gavin Williamson, who now leads the country’s new international recognition campaign institute, describe Britain’s stance as hypocritical.

“It is a double standard,” the president concedes. “But I’m confident that in time, Britain and other countries will follow Israel and place themselves on the right side of history.”

Somaliland foreign affairs advisor Jama EgalSomaliland foreign affairs advisor Jama Egal[Missing Credit]

The reasons for Britain’s position are complex. Partly, the Foreign Office is wary of upsetting a delicate power balance in the region, fearing that recognition of Somaliland could cause other states to assert their old territorial claims to disputed territory.

Yet some analysts believe that Britain is allowing a sense of colonial guilt, combined with a slavish adherence to “international law”, to prevent it from taking a leadership role in Africa, creating a vacuum that is all too eagerly filled by China.

Jerusalem, however, has no such concerns. Although its recent recognition of Somaliland has thrust the issue into the spotlight, the relationship is much older.

Israel was one of the first countries to recognise the state back in 1960, and it is the only UN member to have raised Somali human rights abuses against Somalilanders during the Eighties with the Security Council.

Moreover, according to Rageh Omaar – the Somaliland-born ITV presenter who appeared in an episode of my podcast, The Brink, which we recorded in Hargeisa last week – after a war-torn Somaliland had finally regained its independence, its second leader, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, wrote a landmark letter in 1995 to Israel’s prime minister Yitzhak Rabin emphasising how both nations faced Islamist extremism, needed strategic security and were politically isolated.

The letter laid the groundwork for the renewed recognition that would come three decades later. “It was the beginning of a beautiful friendship,” Omaar said.

On liberation day this year, May 18, the first Somaliland ambassador to Israel, Dr Momamed Hagi, presented his credentials to President Herzog in Jerusalem.

At a ceremony in the presidential palace in Hargeisa, meanwhile, the Israel delegation presented president Abdullahi with a menorah, a mezuzah and a fragment of an Iron Dome missile interceptor. The theme of protection was unmistakable.

On the Somaliland side, the brains behind the Israeli recognition was foreign affairs adviser Jama Egal, who spearheaded the top-secret negotiations last year. After dinner at a hotel in Hargeisa, he told the JC how it happened.

“One day, I was in Israel conducting secret talks and I said I was carrying three messages from our president: recognition, recognition and recognition.

“The Israelis sat back and asked what would be in it for them. I told them that first and foremost, it would be about friendship. The flag of Israel would be planted in the hearts of six million Sunni Muslims. That really got them interested.”

During the discussions, he said, “harder reasons”, like Somaliland’s valuable strategic location opposite the Houthis in Yemen (a $442m Emirati base is under construction at Somaliland’s Berbera port), were discussed.

“But it was not transactional,” Egal said. “First and foremost, we both wanted to be genuine partners.” Over the last six months, Somalilander water experts, special forces troops and intelligence officials have all received training in Israel.

But civil society links have been growing, too. Recently, an economic conference in nearby Addis Ababa – the Somali regime made it too difficult for this to be held in Hargeisa – was attended by both Somalilander and Israeli businesspeople and has resulted in “some deals already”.

This is a genuine friendship, Egal said, unlike many other alliances in the region. “In Somalia, Turkey is dominant,” he said.

“But they are raping the country, taking 95 per cent of its oil sales, controlling the airport, port and offshore fisheries for Ankara’s benefit, and setting up a military base that functions independently.

“It has become like a little Turkey. Our relationship with Israel is nothing like that. It is not exploitative. We are both helping each other.”

As a consequence, he said, affection for Israel has greatly increased in Somaliland. Prior to recognition, about 30 per cent of locals favoured the Jewish state, with 30 per cent ambivalent and 40 per cent favouring Palestine. Now, he said, up to 95 per cent are warm towards Israel.

Back in the presidential palace, president Abdullahi gives the same message, even though much of the Muslim world wrongly accuses Israel of committing genocide.

“Jerusalem needs more friends and partners, especially from Islamic countries,” the president says. “Somaliland has actually experienced a genocide at the hands of Somalia in the Eighties.

“We do not sympathise with any genocide. Israel is the only country that has taken this step, and we hope that Britain, the EU, the USA, Arab countries and others will come to their senses and do the same.”

The Brink podcast, with Jake Wallis Simons and Andrew Fox, is out on all platforms now

“Our (formal) relationship is very young, but from the beginning it has been an open, frank, friendly partnership,” he tells the JC from a gilded armchair in the presidential palace.

Somaliland's President Hargeisa with Jake Wallis SimonsSomaliland’s President Hargeisa with Jake Wallis Simons[Missing Credit]

“We are building links in security, the economy, trade and diplomacy. I expect to make an official visit to Jerusalem later this year.”

He dismisses reports of hostility towards Israel in Somaliland as “fake news”, adding: “We all want to see in our future relations with Israel even more friendliness, more growth, more cooperation in technological knowhow.”

What about those in the Muslim world who have criticised his alliance with Jerusalem? “They should mind their own business,” he laughs. “Every country is free to form alliances with whomever it wants.”

Certainly, there is goodwill towards Israel on the ground. When recognition was announced in December, there was a rush to print Israeli flags to wave in the streets, as it had been kept secret until the very last minute, leaving no time to prepare for the celebrations.

Most educated Somalilanders are effusive on the subject of the Jewish state. The fact remains, however, that during the Liberation Day festivities in the capital, Hargeisa, last week, almost no Israeli flags were waved.

Moreover, an Israeli journalist confided that he had been taunted with shouts of “free Palestine” in the street and did not feel safe to be out alone.

Somaliland's President Hargeisa receives an Iron Dome fragment from IsraelSomaliland’s President Hargeisa receives an Iron Dome fragment from Israel[Missing Credit]

The president dismisses these observations. “This is not a concern for me, not at all,” he says.

“This all started when I wrote 193 letters to the leaders of every single UN member state asking for recognition of our country. The only one to respond positively was Benjamin Netanyahu. We are not shy of being a partner with Israel.”

From Somaliland’s point of view, its history is as frustrating as it is tortuous.

During colonial times, it was a British protectorate, catching the eye of London due to its strategic positioning; its 530 miles of coastline leads to the Bab al-Mandab strait, a crucial maritime chokepoint between the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea (to this day, up to 15 per cent of shipping passes through it, and it is sometimes menaced by the Houthis in nearby Yemen).

Somalia, meanwhile, was under Italian control. In 1960, both Western powers withdrew, leading to both Somalia and Somaliland winning international recognition as separate states.

Five days later, however, they agreed to unify, but in the years that followed, the Mogadishu regime became increasingly corrupt, Islamist and brutal.

In the Eighties, hundreds of thousands of Somalilanders were massacred by the regime. Finally, on May 18, 1991 – the 35th anniversary of which was celebrated last week – Somaliland managed to regain the independence it had been granted in 1960. By then, however, the world could not be deterred from its prior commitment to the notion of a unified Somalia.

Somaliland-born British TV presenter Rageh Omaar (centre) with Jake Wallis Simons (right) on The BrinkSomaliland-born British TV presenter Rageh Omaar (centre) with Jake Wallis Simons (right) on The Brink[Missing Credit]

In the years since, Somaliland has distinguished itself by becoming a rare stable democracy in East Africa. Indeed, it is the only jurisdiction in the world to use iris scanners during elections, to prevent voter fraud.

It is friendly to the West and, as its relationship with Israel shows, it has firmly chosen a side in the growing global polarisation between the democracies and their allies and the authoritarian axis of China, Russia and Iran.

Somalia, meanwhile, has become a basket case. Ranked first on the global fragile state index, it is riddled with corruption and its government is full of men with deep links to Al Shabaab. Its prime minister, Hamza Abdi Barre, supports Hamas and has referred to Jewish people as “children of pigs and dogs”.

That is not even the worst of it. Outside the capital, Mogadishu, the country is largely controlled by Al Shabaab – the Al Qaeda affiliate is a sort of mafia/jihadist blend – which deals with the population with an iron fist.

You’d have thought that picking a side would be a no-brainer. Yet Britain, which remains wedded to the outdated vision of a unified Somalia, has lavished aid money on Mogadishu, almost none of which trickled down to Somaliland.

Last year alone, the government handed over £61m of taxpayers’ cash, despite fears that it was funding corruption and even terrorism.

Many of Somaliland’s friends, such as the former defence secretary Gavin Williamson, who now leads the country’s new international recognition campaign institute, describe Britain’s stance as hypocritical.

“It is a double standard,” the president concedes. “But I’m confident that in time, Britain and other countries will follow Israel and place themselves on the right side of history.”

Somaliland foreign affairs advisor Jama EgalSomaliland foreign affairs advisor Jama Egal[Missing Credit]

The reasons for Britain’s position are complex. Partly, the Foreign Office is wary of upsetting a delicate power balance in the region, fearing that recognition of Somaliland could cause other states to assert their old territorial claims to disputed territory.

Yet some analysts believe that Britain is allowing a sense of colonial guilt, combined with a slavish adherence to “international law”, to prevent it from taking a leadership role in Africa, creating a vacuum that is all too eagerly filled by China.

Jerusalem, however, has no such concerns. Although its recent recognition of Somaliland has thrust the issue into the spotlight, the relationship is much older.

Israel was one of the first countries to recognise the state back in 1960, and it is the only UN member to have raised Somali human rights abuses against Somalilanders during the Eighties with the Security Council.

Moreover, according to Rageh Omaar – the Somaliland-born ITV presenter who appeared in an episode of my podcast, The Brink, which we recorded in Hargeisa last week – after a war-torn Somaliland had finally regained its independence, its second leader, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, wrote a landmark letter in 1995 to Israel’s prime minister Yitzhak Rabin emphasising how both nations faced Islamist extremism, needed strategic security and were politically isolated.

The letter laid the groundwork for the renewed recognition that would come three decades later. “It was the beginning of a beautiful friendship,” Omaar said.

On liberation day this year, May 18, the first Somaliland ambassador to Israel, Dr Momamed Hagi, presented his credentials to President Herzog in Jerusalem.

At a ceremony in the presidential palace in Hargeisa, meanwhile, the Israel delegation presented president Abdullahi with a menorah, a mezuzah and a fragment of an Iron Dome missile interceptor. The theme of protection was unmistakable.

On the Somaliland side, the brains behind the Israeli recognition was foreign affairs adviser Jama Egal, who spearheaded the top-secret negotiations last year. After dinner at a hotel in Hargeisa, he told the JC how it happened.

“One day, I was in Israel conducting secret talks and I said I was carrying three messages from our president: recognition, recognition and recognition.

“The Israelis sat back and asked what would be in it for them. I told them that first and foremost, it would be about friendship. The flag of Israel would be planted in the hearts of six million Sunni Muslims. That really got them interested.”

During the discussions, he said, “harder reasons”, like Somaliland’s valuable strategic location opposite the Houthis in Yemen (a $442m Emirati base is under construction at Somaliland’s Berbera port), were discussed.

“But it was not transactional,” Egal said. “First and foremost, we both wanted to be genuine partners.” Over the last six months, Somalilander water experts, special forces troops and intelligence officials have all received training in Israel.

But civil society links have been growing, too. Recently, an economic conference in nearby Addis Ababa – the Somali regime made it too difficult for this to be held in Hargeisa – was attended by both Somalilander and Israeli businesspeople and has resulted in “some deals already”.

This is a genuine friendship, Egal said, unlike many other alliances in the region. “In Somalia, Turkey is dominant,” he said.

“But they are raping the country, taking 95 per cent of its oil sales, controlling the airport, port and offshore fisheries for Ankara’s benefit, and setting up a military base that functions independently.

“It has become like a little Turkey. Our relationship with Israel is nothing like that. It is not exploitative. We are both helping each other.”

As a consequence, he said, affection for Israel has greatly increased in Somaliland. Prior to recognition, about 30 per cent of locals favoured the Jewish state, with 30 per cent ambivalent and 40 per cent favouring Palestine. Now, he said, up to 95 per cent are warm towards Israel.

Back in the presidential palace, president Abdullahi gives the same message, even though much of the Muslim world wrongly accuses Israel of committing genocide.

“Jerusalem needs more friends and partners, especially from Islamic countries,” the president says. “Somaliland has actually experienced a genocide at the hands of Somalia in the Eighties.

“We do not sympathise with any genocide. Israel is the only country that has taken this step, and we hope that Britain, the EU, the USA, Arab countries and others will come to their senses and do the same.”

The Brink podcast, with Jake Wallis Simons and Andrew Fox, is out on all platforms now

Buried Histories, Living Peace: The Intellectual Legacy in the Horn of Africa

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This article presents the theoretical and methodological innovations underlying the Archaeology of Peace, a subfield founded by Dr. Sada Mire through two decades of fieldwork across the Horn of Africa. Drawing upon empirical evidence from rock art sites, sacred landscapes, and medieval settlements in Somaliland and Ethiopia, this research demonstrates that sustainable peace constitutes a materially inscribed, ritually reinforced system of governance with deep historical roots. The article introduces two original theoretical frameworks—the Knowledge-Centered Approach and the Ritual Set methodology—and evaluates their implications for heritage studies, post-colonial archaeology, and international peace-building policy. The National Geographic Society-funded NAGI project (2023–present) represents the first systematic archaeological initiative dedicated exclusively to documenting ancient peace practices globally.
Keywords: Archaeology of Peace; indigenous heritage management; sacred landscapes; post-colonial archaeology; Somaliland; Horn of Africa; conflict archaeology; traditional governance; Knowledge-Centered Approach; Ritual Set

  1. Introduction: Toward an Archaeology of Sustainable Peace

The archaeological investigation of conflict has produced robust subfields including battlefield archaeology, genocide studies, and heritage destruction analysis. However, the systematic study of peace as a material practice, governance structure, and ideological system remained theoretically underdeveloped until Dr. Sada Mire’s intervention. This article argues that peace is not merely the absence of conflict but a prerequisite for sacred fertility—understood as the growth of humans, animals, crops, and social relations—requiring specific material conditions, ritual performances, and landscape inscriptions.
The theoretical innovations presented here emerge from Mire’s positionality as a Somali-Swedish scholar operating at the intersection of Western academic traditions and indigenous knowledge systems. Born in Hargeisa in 1976 and raised in Mogadishu, Mire experienced the collapse of the Somali state firsthand, including the killing of her father, a senior police official, during ethnic cleansing in 1989. Following civil war eruption in 1991, Mire gained asylum in Sweden as a teenager before completing doctoral training at University College London (Mire 2007a, 2007b, 2008, 2011a). This personal history of displacement and return informs the epistemological commitment to understanding how the Horn of Africa maintained peace for 400 years before descending into four decades of conflict—and what the deep past can teach contemporary peace-building efforts.
The article is structured as follows: Section 2 presents the Knowledge-Centered Approach and the Ritual Set methodology; Section 3 examines sacred landscapes and the materiality of peace through case studies; Section 4 details the NAGI project and National Geographic sponsorship; Section 5 analyzes rock art evidence; Section 6 discusses indigenous governance systems; Section 7 addresses policy implications; and Section 8 concludes with future directions for the Archaeology of Peace.

  1. Theoretical Frameworks
    2.1 The Knowledge-Centered Approach: Decolonizing Heritage Methodology

The Knowledge-Centered Approach was first articulated in Mire (2007a), “Preserving Knowledge, not Objects: A Somali Perspective for Heritage Management and Archaeological Research” (African Archaeological Review 24(3-4): 49-71). This framework argues that “objects and monuments are not necessarily important but knowledge, skill and memory as practiced and symbolized in the landscapes” constitute the primary heritage resource (Mire 2007a: 49).
Previous archaeological interventions in Somalia failed precisely because they “lacked dialogue and incorporation of local views of heritage practice” (Mire 2011a: 71). The colonial legacy of European archaeological practice—characterized by extractive data collection and the removal of material culture to metropolitan museums—created conditions wherein “archaeology is viewed by many Somalis as a distant, foreign phenomenon” (Mire 2011a: 73). The Knowledge-Centered Approach addresses this epistemological rupture by centering oral tradition, practiced memory, and landscape symbolism as primary archaeological data.

This framework proves particularly salient for studying peace, which in Somali and broader Cushitic traditions operates through performed consensus rather than codified law. The methodology enables recovery of peace-making practices that leave minimal material trace in conventional archaeological terms but constitute rich data when analyzed through indigenous epistemological frameworks (Mire 2015a, 2015b).

2.2 The Ritual Set: A Methodological Framework for Recovering Peace

In Mire (2020), https://www.routledge.com/Divine-Fertility-The-Continuity-in-Transformation-of-an-Ideology-of-Sacred-Kinship-in-Northeast-Africa/Mire/p/book/9781032174853 (Routledge), the Ritual Set was introduced as “a set of material and non-material manifestations and attributes which uses specific examples to shed light on the investigation and (re)interpretation of archaeological material and sites in the region” (Mire 2020: 15).
The Ritual Set identifies specific spaces of consensus and ritual peace-making: sacred enclosures, specific tree species (particularly Olea europaea subsp. cuspidata), springs, and mountain peaks where communities historically gathered to resolve conflicts, seal inter-clan alliances, and perform fertility rites that reinforced social bonds. This framework enables archaeologists to move beyond identification of conflict markers (weaponry, defensive architecture, trauma patterns) to recognize the material signatures of sustained peace governance—including ritual architecture, votive deposits, and landscape modifications that facilitate communal gathering and consensus-building.
The Ritual Set methodology integrates archaeological survey, ethnographic observation, historical textual analysis, historical linguistics, ethnobotany, and archaeozoology (Mire 2020). This interdisciplinary approach allows movement beyond narrow national or conflict-centered narratives to interpret shared regional heritage as an indigenous Archaeology of Peace.

  1. Sacred Landscapes and the Materiality of Peace
    3.1 The Nagi/Nagaa Concept: Indigenous Peace Ideology

Central to the Archaeology of Peace is the indigenous Somali concept of nagi/nagaa—a complex term denoting peace, prosperity, and sacred fertility that operates as both descriptive condition and prescriptive ideology. Ethnographic and archaeological research demonstrates that this concept has underpinned state formation in the Horn of Africa for approximately 3,000 years, transforming across religious transitions (pre-Christian indigenous beliefs, Christianity, Islam) while maintaining core social function (Mire 2020).
The nagi/nagaa ideology posits peace as prerequisite for fertility—understood not merely as human reproduction but as the growth of animals, crops, and social relations. This conceptual framework explains the co-occurrence of peace-making rituals and fertility ceremonies at archaeological sites across Ethiopia and Somaliland. Documentation of sacred landscapes, enclosures, water sources, and trees reveals their dual function as sites of both agricultural fertility rituals and conflict resolution mechanisms (Mire 2015a, 2015b, 2020).

3.2 Case Study: Aw-Barkhadle and Multi-Religious Peace Architecture

Archaeological investigation of Aw-Barkhadle (Mire 2015a) provides empirical demonstration of the Archaeology of Peace’s analytical power. This 4 km² site, identified as the potential lost first capital of the Awdal kingdom (a medieval Islamic empire), exhibits remarkable multi-religious complexity: pre-Islamic phallic stones, Christian graves marked with Orthodox crosses, and Islamic mausoleums coexist within a single sacred landscape.
Critically, survey revealed gravestones marked with Coptic crosses and Stars of David, indicating the presence of Christians and Jews alongside Muslims in this pilgrimage center (Mire 2015a: 102). This ecumenical materiality challenges modern narratives of religious division in the Horn of Africa and demonstrates how the site functioned as a space of interfaith peace-making for centuries. The 3 km town wall, mosque foundations, and surrounding burials (13th–19th centuries AD) indicate sustained investment in a sacred landscape facilitating cross-community consensus.
The mausoleum of Saint Aw-Barkhadle, completed in the 19th century, is surrounded by dozens of white-washed tombs belonging to various figures. According to historical chronicles, the saint appears in kinglists of the Walasma dynasty of Ifat and Adal, and the site served as burial place for Garaad Jibril, who revolted against Harar’s ruler Sultan ‘Uthman in the 16th century (Mire 2015a). Philipp Paulitschke’s 1888 account identified the capital of Adal as “AwBerkele,” suggesting the walled settlement functioned as capital of Ifat and Adal at the end of the Middle Ages.
The site’s sacred landscape includes a mountain, trees, stones, and wells associated with deities, most prominently the sky God Waaq, connecting pre-Islamic and Islamic traditions through myths, legends, and ancestor worship (Mire 2015a). This continuity demonstrates how the ideology of peace adapted across religious transformations while maintaining core social function.

  1. The NAGI Project and National Geographic Sponsorship
    4.1 Project Design and Theoretical Objectives

In May 2023, the National Geographic Society awarded Dr. Mire the Wayfinder Award, providing institutional support for expansion of research under the project designation NAGI: Exploring the Forgotten Heritage of Peace-Making in the War-Torn Horn of Africa (National Geographic Explorer Profile). This project represents the first globally recognized archaeological initiative “solely dedicated to the documentation and understanding of the ancient peace practices in Africa and beyond” (Somaliland Sun 2023).
The NAGI project employs cultural heritage and archaeology as departure points to address contemporary global issues of war and famine, utilizing “cultural notions of peace- and fertility-making and their manifestations as a base for its data” (Mire 2020: 18). The project’s interdisciplinary methodology integrates archaeological survey, ethnographic observation, historical textual analysis, historical linguistics, ethnobotany, and archaeozoology to reconstruct long-term institutional frameworks that maintained regional stability.

4.2 Digital Heritage and Public Archaeology Components

The National Geographic sponsorship enables significant public-facing outputs, including a digital exhibition on the Archaeology of Peace and a documentary film produced as part of the Wayfinder grant. These outputs translate academic research into accessible formats designed to influence contemporary policy discussions on conflict resolution and peace-building.
Concurrently, the Horn Heritage Foundation—founded by Mire in 2011 with offices in Hargeisa and The Hague—conducts systematic digital documentation of endangered sites. The Foundation’s drone archaeology program and 3D photogrammetry initiatives have created “the digital recording and 3D virtual tours of Somaliland rock art sites” and “the survey and documentation of Medieval Islamic kingdoms and sacred landscapes, including the drone archaeology of Aw-Barkhadle, capital of Adal Kingdom” (Horn Heritage Foundation).
These technologies serve dual functions: creating permanent archives of fragile sites threatened by erosion, development, and conflict; and democratizing access to heritage for Somali diaspora communities and global audiences. The Foundation has trained over 1,000 Somali students across the Somali region and globally, contributed to development of Somaliland’s National Heritage Act, and created the Horn Heritage Digital Museum.

  1. Rock Art and Ritual Peace-Making: Empirical Case Studies
    5.1 Laas Geel: Deciphering Five Millennia of Peace Symbolism

Mire’s award-winning work on the Laas Geel rock art complex (ca. 5,000 years BP) demonstrates the Archaeology of Peace’s interpretive capacity. The polychrome paintings—among the best-preserved in Africa—depict large votive cows with decorated necks and prominent udders, human figures with arms outstretched in ceremonial poses, and geometric patterns indicating ritual activity.
Interpretation moves beyond conventional pastoralist readings to identify these images as evidence of peace rituals—ceremonies where communities gathered at sacred water sources to perform fertility rites that reinforced social bonds and conflict resolution mechanisms. The standardized human figures, the site’s location at seasonal river confluences, and the symbolic emphasis on cattle fertility (directly linked to social wealth and inter-clan alliance networks in pastoralist societies) all point to a sophisticated ritual landscape where peace was actively performed and materially inscribed.
The Laas Geel shelters, translating to “The Camels’ Well” in Somali, consist of about twenty shelters of varying size, with the largest approximately 10 m long and 5 m deep. The paintings are excellently preserved thanks to their location under granite overhangs. The site is essential to the Horn of Africa’s historical and heritage legacy and is considered a potential World Heritage Site candidate (Horn Heritage Foundation).

5.2 Dhambalin: Archaeological Evidence of Ritual Continuity

The Dhambalin rock shelter, discovered in autumn 2007 and documented in Mire (2008), provides further empirical support for the Archaeology of Peace framework. The site’s polychrome paintings (ca. 5,000 years BP) include the first sheep depictions in Somali archaeology—fourteen animals with red and white coloring lacking the black heads characteristic of modern Somali breeds—suggesting ancient domesticated varieties and long-term pastoral stability (Mire 2008: 158).

Of particular significance for peace archaeology are the human figures: hunters with bows and arrows wearing headgear, accompanied by dogs; a figure sitting on an animal with raised hands interpreted as worshipping cattle; and two clearly male figures with arms outstretched in ceremonial poses (Mire 2008: 160). These outstretched arms echo the ritual poses at Laas Geel, suggesting continuity of peace-making gestures across millennia. The “conspicuous bands drawn on the backs and bellies of cows” attest to ritual decoration associated with fertility and peace ceremonies (Mire 2008: 161).

UNESCO’s Chief of Africa, Lazare Eloundou Assomo, recognized the site’s significance in 2011, and it was subsequently added to the UNESCO World Heritage tentative list (Mire 2008). The site holds extraordinary originality and is essential to understanding the region’s ritual practices.

  1. The Wagar and Sacred Trees: Material Culture of Fertility and Peace

Mire (2015a) presents the first academic study of the wagar—a sacred wooden sculpture kept by Somali women and used as a medium in fertility and peace rituals. This research demonstrates the wagar’s significance as a “Cushitic symbol of belief in sacred trees within Somali society” and explores its potential link to the Sky-God Waaq—adhered to by Cushitic peoples both before and during the practice of Christianity and Islam (Mire 2015a: 93).
Mire’s personal connection to the wagar—having inherited one from her maternal grandmother—exemplifies the Knowledge-Centered Approach in practice, bridging academic research with indigenous knowledge transmission. Mire and collaborators climbed Somaliland’s Golis Mountains to collect wagar tree branches, connecting ancient practice with living tradition and demonstrating that the Archaeology of Peace investigates not merely past artifacts but ongoing material relationships between communities and sacred landscapes.
The wagar study contributes to the archaeology of religion and historical archaeology in the Horn of Africa, demonstrating how indigenous technologies—including iron and pottery, traditional medicine and surgery, architecture and art—are maintained by custodians who are often the most marginalized in the region (Horn Heritage Foundation).

  1. Indigenous Governance Systems: The Archaeological Recovery of Xeer

The Archaeology of Peace extends beyond ritual sites to excavate the material foundations of Xeer—the Somali customary law system representing one of humanity’s most enduring conflict resolution mechanisms. Xeer operates as a culturally defined system of folklore and habits, orally transmitted across generations, based on consensus between entitled groups.
The system’s core principles include inter-clan conventions on protection and security, family obligations, and resource-utilization rules regarding water, pasture, and natural resources. Mediation (masalaxo) and arbitration (gar dawe) operate through clan elders (xeer begti), with restorative rather than punitive outcomes: “Somalis who apply xeer are not so much interested in establishing the suspect’s guilt or innocence—it is important to reach consensus (win-win situation).” All participants must abandon the dispute without “losing face,” and the sense of adequacy of sanction being an inconvenience for the whole clan reinforces collective responsibility.
Archaeological documentation reveals that the sacred enclosures, water sources, and trees identified in this research were not merely spiritual sites but the physical infrastructure of the Xeer system—places where disputes were resolved, alliances sealed, and collective responsibility ritually reinforced. The compensation system (mag-diye), where damages are paid in camels to avoid blood revenge, finds its material origins in these sacred landscapes where fertility and peace were understood as inseparable conditions for social reproduction (Mire 2020).

  1. Policy Implications: Challenging International Humanitarian Law

The Archaeology of Peace carries profound implications for contemporary global policy. Mire argues that current International Humanitarian Law and global treaties have proven unsuccessful in protecting humanity from continuing wars, proposing that lessons from the deep past and traditional governance systems can “raise global awareness and impact policy in peace-making, conflict resolution and reconciliation” (Mire 2020: 22).
The 2018 Hague Talk, “You want world peace? Revise the History Books!”, articulated the central thesis that “understanding beyond the labels of Christianity and Islam reveals a deeper history connecting people in the Horn of Africa”—an “archaeology of cohesion” capable of addressing current narratives of division. The 2020 British Academy Global Perspectives lecture extended this argument to the global political atmosphere, where “even the most powerful democracies of the world are in crisis” (Mire 2020).
The assertion that cultural heritage constitutes a basic human need—articulated in the 2011 New Scientist article and 2014 TED Talk (Mire 2014)—challenges the humanitarian sector’s hierarchical ordering of needs. Mire (2016), “The Role of Cultural Heritage in the Basic Needs of East African Pastoralists” (African Study Monographs 53(Supplementary Issue): 147-157), provides the empirical foundation for this theoretical claim, demonstrating that “without the traditional skills and coping mechanisms that are inherent in the cultural values that glue people together, it is difficult for East African pastoralists to survive” (Mire 2016: 147).

  1. Critical Assessment and Scholarly Reception
    9.1 Academic Recognition

The theoretical contributions presented here have received substantial scholarly recognition. Mire (2020) won the Society of Africanist Archaeologists (SAfA) Book Prize in 2021, making Mire the first archaeologist of non-European descent to receive this award (SAfA 2021; Somaliland Sun 2023). The monograph was praised by Paul Lane as “a genuinely post-colonial approach toward heritage protection and conservation in the country and how best to mobilise knowledge and memory of Somalia’s deep past for the greater benefit of current and future generations” (Lane 2020: 512).

In 2017, Mire was selected by the Hay Festival of Literature and Arts as one of 30 Global Writers and Thinkers for 2017-2027, and https://www.newscientist.com/ named her among the Most Inspiring Women in Science of All Time (National Geographic Explorer Profile).

9.2 Critical Engagements

Academic review of Divine Fertility has identified both strengths and areas requiring further development. A 2024 review in Geeska noted that while the critical perspective on the lack of indigenous scholarship and colonial legacies is “valuable,” the approach “through an ethnic lens, particularly its use of the term ‘Cushitic,’ is problematic” in contexts of active ethnic tension such as contemporary Ethiopia. The reviewer further observed that the “reliance on ethnographic analogy as the basis for the ‘Ritual Set’ presents a challenge, as this method is difficult to apply consistently” across the diverse Ethiopian sites discussed (Tiya, Aksum, Lalibela, Sheikh Hussein).
These critiques highlight the methodological tensions inherent in developing indigenous archaeological frameworks while engaging with comparative regional analysis—a challenge addressed through insistence on locally appropriate theoretical frameworks integrated with rigorous interdisciplinary methodology.


Author Biography: Author Biography:
Gulaid Yusuf Idaan is a senior lecturer and independent scholar based in Hargeisa, Somaliland. His research focuses on international relations, political analysis, constitutional studies, and the geopolitics of the Horn of Africa.
Author: Gulaid Yusuf Idaan
Corresponding Author: idaan54@gmail,com
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Somaliland Envoy to Israel Hits Back at Arab Criticism Over Jerusalem Embassy Decision

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By Goth Mohamed Goth

The Somaliland envoy to Israel, Dr. Mohamed Haji Omar, has issued a strong response to the condemnation from several Arab countries over Somaliland’s decision to open an embassy in Jerusalem.

Dr. Mohamed Haji Omar expressed regret that some Arab and Islamic nations have chosen to apply political pressure on Somaliland, instead of engaging in meaningful cooperation with the region.

Citing a post the diplomat shared on his X account, reaffirmed Somaliland’s continued commitment to its sovereign decisions—grounded in independence—and to peaceful collaboration with countries around the world.

The ambassador also noted that the relationship between Somaliland and Israel is important, built on shared interests, and is steadily growing in a constructive manner.

Dr. Mohamed Haji Omar made it clear that Somaliland favours cooperation and diplomatic relations based on mutual understanding and comprehensive partnership, rather than political pressure or any form of isolation imposed upon it

Press Statement: Somalia Commends International Rejection of Illegal “Embassy” in Occupied Jerusalem

Mogadishu | 24 May 2026

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Federal Republic of Somalia warmly welcomes the joint statement issued by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Arab Republic of Egypt, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the State of Qatar, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Republic of Türkiye, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, the Republic of Indonesia, the Republic of Djibouti, the State of Palestine, the Sultanate of Oman, the Republic of the Sudan, the Republic of Yemen, the Lebanese Republic, the State of Kuwait, the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria, and the Kingdom of Morocco.

In their statement, the Ministers strongly condemned the illegal and unacceptable step taken by the northwestern region of Somalia, namely the opening of a purported “embassy” in occupied Jerusalem.

The joint statement reaffirmed that such actions constitute a flagrant violation of international law and relevant United Nations resolutions, and represent a direct assault on the legal and historical status of occupied Jerusalem.

The Ministers further reiterated their categorical rejection of any unilateral measures that seek to legitimize arrangements contravening international law and binding UN resolutions. They emphasized that East Jerusalem has remained occupied Palestinian territory since 1967, and that any attempt to alter its legal or historical status is null and void, carrying no legal effect.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Somalia particularly welcomes the Ministers’ clear affirmation of their full support for the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Somalia, as well as their unequivocal rejection of any unilateral actions that undermine Somali territorial unity or infringe upon its sovereignty.

Somaliland Ministry of Environment Partners with Czech University for Sea Turtle Conservation

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By Goth Mohamed Goth

Hargeisa – Hon. Samsam Mohamed Salah, Deputy Minister and Acting Minister of Environment and Climate Change, alongside the Director of the Marine Environment Department and the Department’s Advisor, welcomed a high-level delegation from the Czech University of Life Sciences Prague to her office today. The visiting delegation was headed by Professor MVDr. David Modrý, Dean of the Faculty of Agrobiology, Food and Natural Resources.

Focus on Marine Research and Conservation

The meeting centered on discussions regarding an upcoming research project on sea turtles, a threatened marine species, as well as exploring ways to enhance the protection of marine environments.

This engagement carries both significant academic value and strategic importance, promoting cross-institutional international collaboration, driving forward scientific inquiry, and supporting the conservation of marine biodiversity.

Suspected Somali Pirates Attack Oil Tanker in Gulf of Aden

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Mogadishu – Suspected Somali pirates attempted to attack an oil tanker in the Gulf of Aden, but private security guards on board fired warning shots, forcing the assailants to retreat.

The security company responsible for the vessel reported the incident to the UK Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO). According to the report, the tanker was sailing approximately 98 nautical miles from the Yemeni-administered island of Socotra when a small skiff carrying five people approached it aggressively.

Heavily armed guards on the tanker fired warning shots, prompting the small boat to swiftly change course and move away from the vessel.

The European Union’s Maritime Security Centre for the Indian Ocean (MSCIO) confirmed that this marks the third piracy-related incident linked to Somali networks within a single week.

On May 18, a skiff-type vessel was spotted near the coastal city of Bosaso and reported to the EU’s anti-piracy operation, Atalanta. Authorities suspect it was scouting for commercial ships to hijack.

Meanwhile, three vessels remain captive off the Somali coast. The oil tanker MT Honour 25 was hijacked on April 21, the cargo vessel Sward on April 26, and the Eureka on May 2. Reports indicate that pirates are demanding a ransom of three million dollars for the release of the Eureka.

The UKMTO has warned that the threat of piracy remains high off the Somali coast and within the so-called Somalia Basin. The MSCIO specifically highlighted northern Somalia—particularly the Puntland region and the Gulf of Aden—as the highest-risk area.

Vessels transiting the region are advised to stay at least 150 nautical miles from the Somali coast or avoid the area altogether if possible.

Somaliland, a country born of bombs

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The memories of the war against Somalia continue to haunt the secessionist territory in the Horn of Africa. Today, Somaliland is seeking international legitimacy, with the help of Israel.

A tank — which isn’t really a tank — could be the national monument of Somaliland, a country that isn’t really a country. The armored vehicle, which rests beside Highway 1 in the city of Hargeisa, depicts what was once a weapon of war that rolled in from Somalia in 1988, in order to prevent this territory in the Horn of Africa from gaining independence. Today, the tank is part of the scenery in the capital of a land that declared itself a republic 35 years ago.

Almost no country recognizes Somaliland… but it’s difficult to pretend that it doesn’t exist.

The war machine was barely visible on May 18, due to the crowds of young people perched on its turret: they didn’t want to miss the opportunity to catch a glance of the Somaliland National Day military parade. Back in 1991, the separatist region declared its independence after the fall of Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre’s regime. Subsequently, a bombing campaign devastated Hargeisa, leaving behind wounds that are still open today. According to the authorities who administer this region, up to 200,000 people died, out of a population that, at the time, numbered around three million inhabitants.

Since then, Somaliland — either an independent state or a separatist territory, depending on whom you ask — has built institutions and held elections, with peaceful political transitions. It has its own currency, flag and army. All of this was on display during the May 18 military parade, which passed along one of the city’s main thoroughfares. Marching down the middle of the road, the armed forces displayed their modest military capabilities, with between 8,000 and 12,500 personnel, according to the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies.

On the sidelines, devoted citizens were draped in the ubiquitous red, green, and white of the national flag: women wore dresses and headscarves (for women and girls, this is a very conservative Muslim country) and men sported t-shirts, dyed hair, sunglasses and goatees. Thousands of flags hung from buildings and were waved by the crowds. “If there were a word greater than love, I would use it to define what I feel for my country,” exclaimed Mokhtar, an elated citizen.

On the institutional side, the most relevant national authorities — as well as some foreign allies who support Somaliland’s independence — had gathered. The dignitaries hailed from Ethiopia, Taiwan, which has maintained official relations with Somaliland since 2020, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and, of course, Israel, the only country in the world to have recognized Somaliland’s independence, just five months ago.

President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, also known as “Irro,” sat in the VIP box, having just arrived from Abu Dhabi after a visit marked by speculation about a new instance of diplomatic recognition (something that has yet to materialize). “This is the first time we’re commemorating May 18 as [the] recognized Republic of Somaliland,” he proclaimed during his speech.

In his address, Irro announced that his Israeli counterpart would receive the credentials of Somaliland’s ambassador, Mohamed Haji, “the first officially recognized ambassador of the Republic of Somaliland.” The alliance with Israel, in fact, dominated the entire celebration.

Among the international guests were foreign journalists — including representatives from EL PAÍS — invited by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. The largest group, however, was made up of Israeli reporters, which is understandable given the significance of this new alliance. For Somaliland, it represents a leap in international legitimacy. And, for Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, Somaliland offers a strategic position overlooking the Bab el-Mandeb strait and the coast of Yemen, in one of the most sensitive maritime corridors on the planet (now even more so due to the war in the Middle East and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz).

Among the crowd, the recognition of Somaliland by Israel was perceived less as a strategic issue than as a matter of identity. This is how Robo and Fatma felt, two of the many women who were trying to get closer to the front line of the parade, while a local policeman pushed them back with a branch. “We are Somalilanders, long live our country!” Fatma repeated, waving her small flag. On the other side of the street, 44-year-old Mohamed recalled being eight years old when he saw Somali tanks roll into Hargeisa. “I will never forget the fear,” he said. Like Mohamed, many onlookers expressed horrific memories of that war, in which Barré bombed the civilian Isaaq population — the majority ethnic group — and destroyed 70% of the city.

In 2026, the tables have turned. Somaliland boasts unprecedented stability in a once-turbulent region. While Somalia continues to grapple with the violence of the jihadist group Al-Shabaab, there hasn’t been an attack here since 2008. Border tensions persist, along with accusations that certain minority groups are economically marginalized, but the absence of violence is one of the main arguments that politicians and citizens use to defend their autonomy. “The separation from Somalia wasn’t driven by hatred or emotion, but by the lessons learned from the failed union between Somaliland and Somalia, which began on July 1, 1960,” Irro asserted during his speech.

But despite the apparent harmony, not everyone agrees with the process that Somaliland is following. Recently, a riskier step was taken, one that has ignited social media: Hargeisa’s government made a decision to open its embassy to Israel in Jerusalem, not Tel Aviv. This is almost a provocation, given that the majority of the international community doesn’t recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital; only seven countries have established embassies there, including the United States in 2017, during Donald Trump’s first term.

The gesture seems to have gone unnoticed by those Somalilanders less familiar with international politics, but not by others who follow global affairs closely and who, in theory, are still supportive of a friendship with Israel, provided that it serves a national purpose.

One of those concerned is Hamsa M. Jama. He was born in Germany to Somalilander parents and is the founder of Hargeisa Debates, a civic platform that promotes dialogue and democracy. “We need recognition, but this is going too far; it may bring us more problems than solutions,” he muses.

The African Union, the Arab League, China, the European Union, Turkey, Egypt, as well as a bloc of Gulf countries led by Saudi Arabia have rejected the strategic rapprochement between Israel and Somaliland, calling it a “dangerous precedent” and a “violation” of Somali sovereignty.

From Jama’s perspective, the population doesn’t disagree with the alliance, but only because they don’t understand the underlying meaning. “People only think about their country being recognized; they don’t look beyond that,” he laments, over a cup of chai in a Hargeisa hotel café.

Once the festivities are over, routine takes over again. Shops raise their shutters, schools and madrasas fill up with students, traffic and honking take center stage, while busy residents stroll through the streets, mixing with dozens of goats. Many of the animals have their owners’ phone numbers painted on their backs, in case they get lost.

At the foot of the old MiG-17 that now stands as a national monument of Somaliland (the same model of aircraft was used to bomb Hargeisa during the Somali Civil War), 53-year-old Abdi recounts how a plane just like the one suspended behind him killed his father. The fighter jet — placed atop a column in the heart of the city — pays tribute to the victims of the conflict. It has become Somaliland’s true national monument. “All we want is international recognition; it’s what we deserve. Horrible things happened… we just want freedom,” Abdi sighs. For him, the main problem of not being recognized by other countries is the difficulty of traveling and interacting with other nations. This results in harm to the economy, education, and development.

Somaliland lacks full access to the international financial system. Its citizens face enormous difficulties traveling with their own passports. Many international transfers still depend on intermediaries or the enemy, Somalia. Abdousalam knows this all too well: he sells sportswear, mainly international soccer jerseys. One of his products is a rarity: the Somaliland national team jersey. “Sometimes, I make money. Sometimes, I lose it,” he shrugs. Life in Hargeisa, like anywhere else, is sometimes difficult, “with its good moments and bad ones.”

Certainly, daily life is a constant reminder of the limitations of existing in an unrecognized state. However, this normalcy — often dismissed as boring by some — is a source of pride.

In the capital, you can rent an apartment for as little as a few dollars a month, but the average salary doesn’t exceed $200 monthly, while enormous inequality and poverty persists. Most streets are unpaved, buildings rarely exceed six storeys, and imported goods are prohibitively expensive. A bottle of shower gel and a bar of chocolate — both Western brands — cost around $9. “We even import onions,” Jama notes. The only thing that comes from this arid land, populated with bushes, stones, and acacias, is livestock, mainly goats and camels, whose milk is practically the national drink.

Somaliland is still waiting for further recognition. For days, rumors circulated about possible announcements from other African countries and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). They didn’t materialize. But in Hargeisa, many believe that the door has already been opened… and that Israel was just the first.

The day after the May 18 celebrations, the streets were deserted. And the military “tank,” which young people had been climbing on in order to watch the parade, could finally be seen clearly. It turned out to be made of papier-mâché; even the wheels were clumsily painted.

This could also be a metaphor for Somaliland: a fictional tank in a fictional country that opponents of separatism compare to Narnia or Middle-earth — fantastical places from popular literature. But, in the end, there’s also the possibility of comparing this territory to the MiG-17: a warplane that’s very real indeed. Just as how Somalilanders want the rest of the world to see them.

Somaliland and Puntland Unveil Joint Security Center to Safeguard Red Sea Lanes

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By Jama Ayaanle Feyte

In a significant development for regional maritime security, the autonomous regions of Somaliland and Puntland have jointly inaugurated a new security operations center. According to reports from Middle East 24, the facility is designed to formalize close cooperation on safeguarding the critical shipping routes of the Red Sea.

The newly established center is expected to prioritize the coordination of operations against emerging maritime threats. Its primary objectives include combating resurgent piracy, ensuring the safe passage of international vessels, and securing the strategically vital waters of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden—a key chokepoint for global trade and energy shipments.

This collaborative security initiative arrives at a particularly sensitive moment. Recent months have seen a spike in regional instability, including attacks on commercial shipping linked to broader conflicts. The center, therefore, represents a tangible response to these growing challenges and marks a notable rapprochement between Somaliland and Puntland, two entities that have often had tense political relations in the past.

Analysis: A Potential Game-Changer for Regional Security?

The move raises important questions about the future of security dynamics in the Horn of Africa. By pooling intelligence and coordinating patrols, the two administrations could significantly enhance their ability to deter piracy, respond to emergencies, and monitor illegal fishing or smuggling.

However, the effectiveness of this cooperation will depend on sustained political will, resource sharing, and the ability to overcome underlying territorial disputes. For now, the inauguration of the center is a powerful symbolic gesture—suggesting that shared economic and security interests may be taking precedence over long-standing rivalries. If successful, this model could not only improve local safety but also attract broader international support from navies and global partners operating in the region.

What do you think? Can this security cooperation between Somaliland and Puntland truly transform maritime stability? Share your perspective below.

Telesom Forges Advertising Deal with content Creator and Innovator Mohamed Ordaaye

Hargeisa – Telesom  today in Hargeisa Forged an  Advertising Deal with the well known contents creator and Innovator Mohamed Ordaaye

Mr. Mohamed Ordaaye speaking during the brief ceremony said, ” I extend my sincere congratulations and recognition to Telesom Company and innovator Mohamed Ordaaye, who today signed a new cooperation agreement in the field of advertising.

Mohamed has truly introduced a creative and original approach to delivering online content—one that is remarkably simple yet modern, effectively reaching the new generation. He achieved this by filming short, fast-paced videos alone in open, deserted spaces, showcasing a fresh form of digital creativity.

I propose that this agreement marks a turning point in Mohamed’s life that will, God willing, bring about significant positive change.

Furthermore, other companies and any individuals on social media who appreciate his innovation and are seeking advertising opportunities should enter into an official agreement with Mohamed.

Chief Justice Attends Inauguration of Somaliland’s New International Institute for Recognition

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By Goth Mohamed Goth

HARGEISA, Somaliland – The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Somaliland, Prof. Adam Haji Ali, has officially attended the launch of a major new research and diplomatic center dedicated to securing international recognition for the nation.

Watch the full English speech of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Somaliland, Prof. Adam Haji Ali, during the event below

The event marked the inauguration of the Somaliland Independence and Recognition Institute, a new international-level institution founded to bolster the country’s legal and historical arguments for statehood. The ceremony was presided over by the President of the Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency Abdirahman Mohamed Abdilahi (Cirro).

The newly established institute is designed to function as a specialized academic and diplomatic hub. Its primary mission is to conduct high-level research and advocacy aimed at strengthening Somaliland’s long-standing case for sovereignty. By focusing on legal, historical, and political evidence, the center seeks to formalize the campaign for recognition, which has been a central goal since Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991.

A Strategic Shift in Diplomacy

The presence of the Chief Justice at the inauguration is highly symbolic. It underscores that the Somaliland government intends to frame its quest for recognition not merely as a political aspiration, but as a matter of legal and historical fact. Judicial backing suggests a move toward a more institutionalized, evidence-based strategy on the international stage.

Unlike Somalia, Somaliland has functioned as a de facto independent state for over three decades, complete with its own government, currency, security forces, and democratic institutions. However, it has not yet received official recognition from any foreign government or international body.

The new institute is expected to focus on several key areas:

· Legal Research: Highlighting Somaliland’s unique colonial history as a former British protectorate (British Somaliland), distinct from the Italian-administered trust territory of Somalia.
· Historical Documentation: Preserving archival evidence of treaties and independence from the pre-1960 union era.
· Diplomatic Outreach: Building formal ties with foreign governments and international organizations to counter narratives favoring reunification with Somalia.

Looking Ahead

The launch of this institute signals that the administration of President Cirro is prepared to intensify efforts for self-determination. By creating a dedicated center for recognition, Somaliland aims to shift the diplomatic paradigm, moving from reactive defense of its status to proactive legal and historical advocacy.

Observers note that this move could also signal preparations for renewed international arbitration or direct negotiations regarding Somaliland’s future status in the Horn of Africa.