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The Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group Conference Communique

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CONFERENCE COMMUNIQUÉ
Conference on Somaliland
Columbus, Ohio | 2–3 January 2026

Preamble

The Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG) convened a conference in
Columbus, Ohio, from 2 to 3 January 2026, bringing together representatives of the
Somaliland diaspora, policy experts, and civil society leaders to assess Somaliland’s
national journey, its rightful place in the international system, and the
responsibilities of regional and global actors in advancing peace, stability, and
justice in the Horn of Africa.
The conference:

  1. Recognizes the extraordinary resilience, perseverance, and sacrifices of the
    people of Somaliland, who for more than thirty-five (35) years have endured
    political exclusion, economic isolation, and security challenges, while successfully
    building peace, democratic governance, and functioning state institutions through
    their collective will and resources.

  2. Reaffirms the inalienable and non-negotiable right of the people of Somaliland to self-determination, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and principles of international law, and affirms that Somaliland’s re-assertion of independence represents the legitimate and lawful expression of the will of its people.

  3. Congratulates the Government of the Republic of Somaliland for its steadfast
    commitment to peace, security, democratic governance, and responsible diplomacy,
    and commends its efforts to secure Somaliland’s first diplomatic recognition by a sovereign state, marking a historic milestone after decades of unjust exclusion from the international system.

  4. Commends the State of Israel for its historic, bold, and principled decision to
    recognize the Republic of Somaliland, thereby ending thirty-five years of political
    marginalization of the Somaliland people and setting an important precedent
    grounded in realism, justice, and respect for democratic statehood.

  5. Calls upon the Federal Government of Somalia and the Republic of Djibouti to
    immediately cease all forms of political, diplomatic, economic, and security
    aggression against the people and institutions of Somaliland, and to respect
    Somaliland’s peace, stability, and right to determine its own future without
    intimidation, coercion, or interference.

  6. Strongly condemns statements and actions by the President of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, that constitute incitement and war-mongering rhetoric, including explicit calls that risk emboldening terrorist organizations to attack Somaliland; affirms that the people of Somaliland did not elect him, do not recognize his authority, and do not recognize the Federal Government of Somalia; and underscores that such conduct undermines regional peace and security and is inconsistent with international obligations requiring political leaders to refrain from incitement to violence and the encouragement of terrorism.

  7. Recalls that Somaliland re-asserted its independence in 1991 as a direct
    consequence of systematic atrocities, mass violence, and acts amounting to genocide committed by the former Somali state against the people of Somaliland, crimes that remain unresolved and which permanently nullified the moral and political basis for union.

  8. Urges all peace-loving nations, regional organizations, and international partners
    to follow the precedent set by Israel by engaging Somaliland directly and extending diplomatic recognition based on Somaliland’s demonstrated record of peace, democratic governance, effective territorial control, and responsible statehood. calls that Somaliland re-asserted its independence in 1991 as a direct consequence of systematic atrocities, mass violence, and acts amounting to genocide committed by the former Somali state against the people of Somaliland, crimes that remain unresolved and which permanently nullified the moral and political basis for union.

9.Calls upon all Somalilanders, at home and throughout the diaspora, to unite
across political, and regional lines and to fully support the Government of
Somaliland’s efforts to secure the Republic’s rightful place within the community of nations through lawful, peaceful, and strategic engagement.

  1. Agrees to establish a Conference Committee mandated to identify, assess, and pursue lawful and legally grounded avenues to challenge and counter the e-visa regime imposed by Somalia on Somaliland travelers, including through the
    examination of applicable international law, human rights norms, and available
    judicial or administrative remedies.

Conclusion

The Conference affirms that Somaliland is not a problem to be managed, but a
solution to be embraced for regional stability, counterterrorism, democratic
governance, and economic cooperation in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region.
Issued by:

The Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG)

 

 

Somali Opposition Urges President to Convene Election Talks Within One Month

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The Somali Future Council has issued a renewed call for President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to bring all political stakeholders together within one month to establish a clear electoral framework. In a statement released Monday, the council warned that further delays could precipitate a constitutional and security crisis.

The appeal followed a meeting of the council’s Technical Committee in Garowe, where members cautioned that a failure to reach consensus threatens to create a dangerous political vacuum, undermining stability and potentially empowering militant groups.

The statement further indicated that should the president not engage in dialogue, political actors may need to pursue alternative measures to ensure timely elections and avert what the council termed “constitutional paralysis” and a resurgence of insecurity.

Discussions in Garowe centered on formulating a negotiation roadmap for Somalia’s elections, based on resolutions from the prior Kismayo Conference, which had stressed the need for dialogue and consensus among leaders.

President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, whose term concludes in under six months, has consistently advocated for a transition to a direct, one-person, one-vote electoral system, rejecting a return to the indirect model of past cycles. The administration maintains that direct elections are crucial for democratic legitimacy and sustained state-building.

Opposition figures counter that the prerequisites for a secure and logistically sound nationwide direct vote are not yet met. They argue that proceeding without a broad agreement could intensify political fractures and that a consensus-based approach remains the only feasible option under current circumstances.

While expressing a willingness to collaborate with the president on an improved electoral process, the opposition has emphasized the urgent necessity of substantive negotiations.

Somalia has a history of election-related crises over the past decade, where postponements and disagreements have frequently led to political deadlock and heightened security risks. Analysts caution that without compromise, the nation risks repeating cycles of instability amid ongoing challenges from insurgency and economic pressures.

The Future Council affirmed that inclusive national consultation is the sole viable path to prevent confrontation and guarantee a credible transition, urging leaders to prioritize national unity and stability over unilateral action.

Djibouti’s Counterproductive Alignment with Somalia: Implications on Itself and the Region

The growing tension between Somaliland and Djibouti has reached a critical juncture, marked by Djibouti’s unexpected and assertive political and military alignment with Mogadishu. This move has not only strained bilateral relations but has also culminated in the unprecedented recall of ambassadors from each other’s capitals. Such developments underscore the fragility of regional diplomacy in the Horn of Africa, where Djibouti’s stance risks undermining its own stability while directly challenging Somaliland’s long-standing pursuit of sovereignty.

Djibuti’s relations with Somaliland is currently strained due to its close ties to the Somali government, which is affecting the country’s regional stability. Historical and political loyalties are the origins of this situation in the Horn of Africa region, where it is challenging to define what constitutes a country. While Djibouti supports Somalia in the hope of preserving a semblance of regional unity, the move overlooks Somaliland’s clearly stated independence goals. As Somaliland’s assertion of independence grows, Djibouti’s policies could trigger large-scale adjustments in the region, which could threaten Djibouti’s position.

The roots of Somaliland’s bid for independence lie in the post-colonial divisions of the country, which continued after independence; Somalia was in a constant state of turmoil. Somaliland, which made its unilateral declaration of independence in 1991, has ever since been striving to become a well-organised and internationally recognised country. The country aims to be distinct from the long term instability and continuous conflict that Somalia has been having with its government. The Djiboutian government’s backing for the Somali people is creating a situation where the idea of reclaiming land that is currently occupied by another country is looked upon favourably. This could lead to Djibouti having a territorial dispute with a foreign country.

In the region, Djibouti and Somalia have a relationship that is made complicated by Kenya and Ethiopia, whose own interests in Somalia are being pursued. These powers give their own nation’s interests precedence over regional stability and could cause more conflict as a result, according to Abdi. The Djiboutian government is reportedly providing support to the Somali administration in order to consolidate its own national security against Somaliland. Djibouti’s Somali backing could however have serious repercussions. By emulating a failed state Djibouti could actually undermine its own governance and security framework.

Djibouti’s position, as examined in Ifesa’s research, reveals the implications behind the country’s actions in maritime territorial issues. It’s not just a matter of diplomatic relations, but also one of threats to food supply and economic stability. In a comparative study, the different governance models have been compared in Somaliland, a functioning de facto state and Somalia, a failed state. The country’s efforts to maintain stability by aiding Somalia carries the danger of adding to its own problems, due to the fact that it is increasingly tied to Somalia’s long-standing internal strife.

Furthermore, the political-geographical aspects addressed by Brazhalovich et al. highlight the complexities of statehood in the Horn of Africa. Djibouti’s navigational options have implications beyond its borders. This is particularly true given that Somalia’s federalism remains in question in the post-conflict state. The unstable nature of the government in Somalia could have repercussions for Djibouti. This is partly due to the two countries sharing a bond through family and culture with Somaliland.

In effect Djibouti’s support of the faction controlling Somalia poses problems for regional security beyond that nation and also creates its own domestic security problems. In Somaliland, the drive for its right to independence holds considerable consequences for the Republic of Djibouti. Unless it adjusts its foreign policy, China may find itself increasingly isolated which in turn would affect its international influence. In the Horn of Africa Djibouti has to carefully balance itself in the face of the shifts happening due to Somaliland’s moves.


Reference

Ifesa, Tinnie A. A Critical Analysis of the Impacts of the Maritime Territorial Disputes on Bilateral Relations of States: the Case of Kenya and Somalia (2009-2021). Diss. University of Nairobi, 2023.

Cobbett, Elizabeth, and Ra MasonDjiboutian sovereignty: Worlding global security networks. International Affairs 97.6 (2021): 1767-1784.

Brazhalovich, F. L., M. I. Klyuchnikov, and A. I. LukyanovThe political-geographical aspects of problematic statehood (exemplified by Somalia). Geography and natural resources 37.3 (2016): 264-270.

Abdi, Yussuf A. Regional powers and conflict management: an analysis of Kenya and Ethiopia’s interest in Somalia. Diss. University of Nairobi, 2017.

Omar, Mohamed AliSomali Irredentism: An analysis of its causes and its impact on political stability in Somalia from 1960-1991. (2021).

Burton, Meredith. Food Security in de facto states versus failed states: a comparative case study of Somalia and Somaliland. (2025).

Dahir, Abdinor, and Ali Yassin Sheikh Ali. Federalism in post-conflict Somalia: A critical review of its reception and governance challenges. Regional & Federal Studies 34.1 (2024): 87-106.

 

Somaliland: A Victim of International Duplicity and Double Standards

The country suffered a 30-year boycott for the sin of separating itself from a state defined by genocidal violence and starvation – Israel righted a historic wrong.

There is probably no better example in modern history of a failed state than the conditions that prevailed in Somalia on May 26th, 1991, the day Somaliland declared its independence. The utter refusal of the international community to acknowledge Somaliland’s independence over the past three and a half decades, and the outrage at Israel’s recent recognition of Somaliland, is thus not only ethically abhorrent, it is also absurd.

When Somaliland declared independence, Somalia literally did not exist: there was no central government and the territory had devolved into violent shambles. Somalia’s state of non-existence was protracted: it remained without a central government for at least another decade and a half.

When I arrived in Mogadishu in 1993, a year and a half after Somaliland declared independence, Somalia was in a state of anarchy that would continue for at least another decade. The capital city, Mogadishu, had been cut in half by opposing warlords, and then each half chopped into a hundred separate pieces. Fifteen-year-old boys from various clans and subclans twirled submachine guns as they patrolled their square block or two. Wherever you were, a constant rat-a-tat-tat could be heard in the near or middle distance.

There was no police, no electricity, phone or water systems, no post office or public transportation, no public schools or health system, no taxes, no authority at all. There wasn’t even someone to take your passport when your UN or Red Cross flight landed; just another sub-clan that controlled the airport, and wanted $20 in cash to let you step off the plane. Seemingly random groups of armed men careened through the city riding “technical cars” or Mad Maxes, as foreign journalists called them – pickup trucks mounted with machine guns or anti-aircraft missile launchers with four or five armed warriors aboard. I was nearly killed by one of them for taking a photograph.

The army of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, which had been chased southwards across Somalia a year and a half earlier, had ravaged Somalia’s farming area as they passed through, stealing the seeds and the oxen and stopping up the wells that irrigated the land. As a result, hundreds of thousands of Somalians were dying of famine: The food the Red Cross attempted to bring in as relief was often immediately stolen by armed groups – I was at the port one day, terrified, when I witnessed what looked like an almost ritual theft of food meant to ward off starvation. Fields of earthen mounds – what passed for graves – many of them, heartbreakingly, the size of small children, filled some of Mogadishu’s open spaces.

An island of stability

This was the horrifying state of affairs in Somalia in 1991, when Somaliland dissolved the union they had voluntarily entered in 1960, after 76 years of separate, British colonial reign. Somaliland then proceeded to govern their territory peacefully and democratically for the next three decades, holding regular elections whose results were honored by peaceful handovers of power, using their own currency, army and judicial system. Meanwhile, the entity from which they escaped took years to begin to recover – and still has not completely – from violent and murderous anarchy.

But there is more. Barre had ruled Somalia for 20 years. What finally brought his government down was the genocidal war he waged against other Somali clans. Estimates of the number of his victims, the great majority civilians, range in the hundreds of thousands. One of his chief targets was the Isaaq clan, whose ancestral homeland is the Somaliland region, and who make up the majority of Somaliland’s population today.

Even though Somaliland agreed to unite with Italian Somalia after decolonization, it was no surprise that they reasserted their separate identity after they were brutally massacred by their erstwhile partners, especially as, in the aftermath of the massacres, they watched the rest of Somalia descend into unholy chaos.

Somalis queue in Hargeisa, Somaliland, to cast their vote for presidential elections, Saturday, June 26, 2010. (AP Photo/Barkhad Kaariye)

One might think that Somaliland deserves honor and appreciation from the International community for creating and sustaining an island of stability next door to a nation plagued by violence and instability. Instead, Somaliland was boycotted and isolated for thirty years – for what? For the sin of separating themselves from a state that had imploded inwards, a state defined by violence and starvation, with none of the features of sovereign statehood remained.

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland is the beginning of the righting of a historic wrong. The EU, England, Russia, Turkey, Qatar and China’s condemnation of Israel for recognizing Somaliland sets new standards of diplomatic hypocrisy. The UN’s emergency convening of the Security Council in order to respond to Israel’s diplomatic recognition of a state that the entire world should have recognized thirty years ago, while staying silent as Iran attempts to crush yet another civilian uprising, demonstrates once again its irrelevance and lack of judgment.

The scenes we’ve witnessed in recent days of an Islamic population, women in hijabs, men with hennaed beards and prayer caps, jubilantly celebrating their country’s ties to Israel, are a symbol of hope in a rapidly changing world.

By Micha Odenheimer

The Times of Israel


About the Author
Micha OdenheimerMicha Odenheimer is a journalist,

Somaliland Justice Minister Issues Directive to Strengthening Notary Contract Verification Procedures

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Hargeisa – The Minister of Justice of the Republic of Somaliland, Yonis Ahmed Yonis, has issued a new directive aimed at enhancing the rigor and security of contract drafting by notaries nationwide.

Dated January 4, 2026, the directive mandates that all officially operating notaries in Somaliland strictly verify the identities of all parties to contracts, particularly those concerning property rentals, vehicles, and other assets.

Key requirements outlined in the directive include:

· Verification using the National Identity Card of the Republic of Somaliland;
· The presence of a responsible guarantor for the contracting parties;
· Photographs of both parties;
· Thumbprint signatures (fingerprints).

This measure is grounded in the National Notaries Law (Law No. 18 of 2001), specifically Article 9, which outlines notary responsibilities. It underscores the critical role notaries play in safeguarding legal agreements, thereby contributing to national development, security, and social order.

The Director of the Notaries Department has been tasked with overseeing the implementation, monitoring, and enforcement of the directive to ensure full compliance.

Minister Yonis stated that the new rules are designed to ensure the full identification and verification of contracting parties, thereby promoting transparency and preventing disputes in legal transactions.

RECOGNITION OF SOMALILAND: A STRATEGIC IMPERATIVE FOR REGIONAL AND GLOBAL STABILITY

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For more than three decades, Somaliland has occupied a unique and often misunderstood position in the international system: a state that functions in practice but remains unrecognized in law. This situation persists despite Somaliland’s consistent commitment to peace, democratic governance, and regional stability in one of the world’s most fragile regions—the Horn of Africa. Today, the question is no longer whether Somaliland qualifies for recognition, but whether continued non-recognition aligns with the principles of the United Nations and the strategic interests of the international community.

Somaliland and the Foundations of International Law

The United Nations Charter provides a clear normative framework for statehood, self-determination, and peaceful international relations.

Article 1(2) of the UN Charter affirms the purpose of the United Nations as developing friendly relations among nations “based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples.” Somaliland’s case squarely fits within this principle.

Somaliland was a sovereign entity that gained independence in June 1960 and later entered a voluntary union with Somalia. Following the collapse of the Somali state and the mass atrocities committed against Somaliland’s civilian population in the late 1980s, that union effectively ceased to exist. Somaliland’s decision to restore its sovereignty in 1991 was not an act of secession, but a reassertion of a previously recognized statehood, consistent with historical and legal realities.

Furthermore, Article 55 of the UN Charter emphasizes the promotion of stability, peaceful relations, and economic and social development. Somaliland’s sustained peace, democratic processes, and locally driven reconciliation directly advance these objectives.

A Record Built on Peace, Democracy, and Responsibility

Since 1991, Somaliland has built its political order through indigenous peacebuilding mechanisms, inclusive dialogue, and constitutional governance—without large-scale international military intervention. It has conducted multiple competitive elections, ensured peaceful transfers of power, and maintained internal security in a volatile region.

These achievements reflect the core principles of Article 2(3) of the UN Charter, which obliges parties to settle disputes by peaceful means. Somaliland has consistently pursued dialogue, restraint, and cooperation, avoiding violent confrontation despite prolonged political isolation.

Why Recognition Is a Strategic Necessity

International recognition is not symbolic—it is functional. Under Article 2(1) of the UN Charter, the United Nations is founded on the principle of sovereign equality of states. Denying recognition to a functioning, peaceful, and democratic polity undermines this principle and weakens international consistency.

Recognition would allow Somaliland to:

Formally cooperate with the UN system and international financial institutions

Strengthen maritime security in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden

Contribute more effectively to counterterrorism and anti-piracy efforts

Access development and climate finance through transparent, accountable mechanisms

In an era of global insecurity, excluding a reliable and cooperative partner diminishes regional and international resilience.

Somaliland as a Stabilizing Force in the Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa is strategically vital to global trade and security. Instability in this region has direct international consequences. Somaliland’s stability, strategic location, and responsible governance make it a net contributor to peace rather than a source of risk.

Recognition would reinforce a positive international norm: that peacebuilding, democratic governance, and respect for international principles are rewarded—not sidelined.

Addressing Concerns About Precedent

Concerns that recognizing Somaliland may encourage fragmentation elsewhere overlook the uniqueness of its case. Somaliland’s history, legal status, and experience of state collapse and mass violence distinguish it clearly from contemporary secessionist movements.

International law does not prohibit recognition; rather, it leaves recognition to the political discretion of states, guided by facts on the ground. In this context, continued non-recognition contradicts both legal logic and strategic realism.

 

A Call for Principled and Pragmatic Diplomacy

The United Nations was founded to prevent conflict, reward peaceful behavior, and uphold the dignity of peoples. Somaliland embodies these values in practice. Continued ambiguity sends a damaging message: that stability, democracy, and restraint are insufficient grounds for international legitimacy.

Recognizing Somaliland would align the UN’s principles with its actions, strengthen regional peace, and uphold the credibility of international law.

Conclusion

In a world facing fragmentation, insecurity, and erosion of trust in global institutions, the international community cannot afford to ignore successful examples of locally driven peace and governance.

Somaliland has demonstrated, over more than three decades, that it is a responsible, peaceful, and democratic actor. Recognition is not a concession—it is a strategic, legal, and moral imperative.

The time has come to replace hesitation with clarity.

Recognition of Somaliland is recognition of stability, responsibility, and the very principles upon which the United Nations was founded.

 

Mohamed Abdi Idiris

International Relations And Diplomacy Expert

 

At What Cost Recognition? Somaliland’s Dangerous Gamble After Israel

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By Yousef Timacade.

For more than three decades, Somaliland has stood apart in the Horn of Africa as an unlikely success story. While the region burned with war, coups, and state collapse, Somaliland built a functioning political system, held multiple elections, transferred power peacefully, and maintained relative security without international recognition. It became, quietly and stubbornly, an icon of peace and democratic aspiration in one of the world’s most volatile neighborhoods. That hard-won stability is now under serious threat.

Following Israel’s full recognition of Somaliland, the territory finds itself thrust into a dangerous geopolitical storm, one that risks undoing decades of patient state-building. What was meant to be a diplomatic breakthrough may instead expose Somaliland to unprecedented hostility, internal fragmentation, and regional destabilization.

Israel’s recognition has dramatically altered Somaliland’s strategic environment. Almost overnight, Somaliland has attracted hostility not only from Somalia which has always opposed its independence but also from a widening constellation of actors: DjiboutiTurkeyIranthe Houthis, China, and many Arab and Muslim-majority countries. For Somalia, the move reinforces its narrative that Somaliland is undermining regional unity and aligning with foreign powers against Somali interests. For Turkey extremely invested in Somalia politically, militarily, and economically it represents a challenge to Ankara’s influence in the Horn. Iran and the Houthis, locked in broader confrontation with Israel and its allies, may see Somaliland as a legitimate target in a widening proxy conflict. China, which fiercely guards the principle of territorial integrity and has close ties with Mogadishu, is unlikely to tolerate a precedent that emboldens separatist movements elsewhere.

What makes this moment particularly perilous is not just diplomatic isolation, but the convergence of ideological, religious, and strategic opposition. Somaliland has never before faced such a broad alignment of adversaries at the same time. External pressure alone would be challenging enough. But the greater danger may lie within.

Somaliland’s peace has always rested on a delicate social contract one built on clan reconciliation, consensus politics, and a shared commitment to avoiding the chaos seen elsewhere in Somalia. That contract is vulnerable. Religious groups and militant networks could exploit popular anger over Israel’s recognition to radicalize segments of society, framing the issue not as foreign policy but as a religious betrayal. Even if the government maintains tight security, the risk of lone-wolf attacks, protests turning violent, or underground militancy cannot be dismissed.

More worrying still is the potential manipulation of clan divisions. Somaliland’s unity has endured because political competition has largely stayed within agreed boundaries. But foreign actors particularly wealthy states such as Qatar, which has a record of using financial influence in regional politics could inject large sums of money to fracture that unity. Funding rival elites, media campaigns, or local grievances could push clans into confrontation, turning political disagreement into social conflict.

History across the Horn of Africa offers a grim lesson: once clan polarization turns violent, it is extremely difficult to contain. This crisis unfolds in a Horn of Africa already under immense strain. Sudan is collapsing into civil war. Ethiopia remains fragile after internal conflict. Somalia continues to battle insurgency. Red Sea shipping lanes are militarized. The Houthis are expanding their reach.

In such an environment, even a small spark can ignite a wider blaze. Somaliland’s greatest strategic asset has always been its image: a peaceful, reliable, internally legitimate polity. If that image cracks if violence erupts or political cohesion weakens—Somaliland risks losing not only security but also the moral argument that underpins its quest for international recognition.

The central question now facing Hargeisa is stark: can Somaliland retain relations with Israel while preserving peace, unity, and security at home? This requires sober realism. Recognition, by itself, does not guarantee protection. Israel has its own regional priorities, and Somaliland is unlikely to rank high when weighed against Israel’s core security concerns. The United States, often assumed to follow Israel’s lead, has historically been cautious if not indifferent—toward Somaliland’s recognition, prioritizing stability in Somalia over rewarding Somaliland’s success.

Are Israel and the U.S. reliable long-term allies capable and willing to shield Somaliland from diplomatic isolation, economic pressure, and covert destabilization? There is, at present, little evidence to justify such confidence. That does not mean Somaliland must reverse course but it does mean it must recalibrate. Quiet diplomacy with Muslim-majority countries, reassurance to neighbors, and clear messaging that Somaliland is not becoming a forward base in regional conflicts are essential. Internally, the government must double down on inclusion, transparency, and dialogue, leaving no space for religious or clan-based manipulation.

Somaliland has always prided itself on wisdom born of hardship. This is one of those moments when restraint, not defiance, will determine survival. Recognition is not an end in itself. Peace is. Democracy is. Unity is. If those are sacrificed in pursuit of symbolic victories, Somaliland risks becoming another cautionary tale in a region already full of them.

The choice before Somaliland is not between Israel and its enemies but between strategic patience and reckless exposure. History will judge which path it takes.

 

Yousef Timacade.

Yousef Timacade is a lawyer, legal analyst, and commentator with over a decade of experience in program management, research, and human rights advocacy. He holds master’s degrees in both law and executive management, which have equipped him with a unique blend of legal expertise and leadership acumen. Throughout his career, he has worked with numerous national and international non-governmental organizations, driving impactful initiatives in the areas of human rights, policy development, and social justice. Currently, Yousef serves as the Country Coordinator for Somalia, Somaliland and Djibouti at SIHA Network, where he leads efforts to advance women’s rights and advocate for marginalized communities.

Staged “ISIS-Style” Violence Targeting Jews, Somalilanders Reported in Mogadishu

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Alarming Public Display Raises Fears of Escalating Radicalization and State Complicity

By Jama Ayaanle Feyte

MOGADISHU — Disturbing reports and emerging footage indicate that staged scenes of extremist violence, explicitly mimicking ISIS-style executions targeting Jewish and Somalilander figures, were recently enacted on the streets of the Somali capital. The public displays, described by monitors as highly choreographed, are raising urgent questions about the level of radicalization within segments of the population and the apparent acquiescence—and at times alleged encouragement—of local authorities.

The Incident

According to multiple social media accounts and regional analysts, actors performed simulated beheadings and “slaughter” scenes, employing iconography and propaganda methods characteristic of the Islamic State. The performances explicitly identified their victims as representing Jewish people and individuals from Somaliland, a breakaway region in northern Somalia that declares independence but lacks international recognition.

 

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ess accounts suggest that security forces were present but did not intervene to stop the spectacles, with some allegations that officials actively incited the crowds. The Somali federal government has not yet issued an official statement regarding the incident.

Broader Context: A Fragile State and Imported Hatred

Somalia remains entrenched in a decades-long struggle for stability. The internationally recognized Federal Government in Mogadishu is engaged in a major military offensive against the potent Al-Shabaab insurgency, which itself is affiliated with Al-Qaeda. A smaller ISIS-affiliate also operates in parts of the country.

The nation has no significant indigenous Jewish population, its historic community having emigrated decades ago. Analysts note that antisemitic tropes are not rooted in local Somali culture but have been imported via global jihadist propaganda. Their use here appears primarily symbolic, intended to paint any opposition—in this case, Somalilanders—as part of a malign, global conspiracy.

“Including ‘Jews’ as a target is a classic radical Islamist propaganda tool to universalize and legitimize local conflicts,” explains Dr. Abdiweli Ali, a regional security scholar. “Linking the Somaliland issue to this global hate narrative is dangerously inflammatory and suggests a strategic escalation in rhetoric.”

Potential Repercussions: Security, Diplomacy, and Society

The immediate and long-term consequences of such an event, if verified, could be severe:

· Security: Security experts warn this could serve as a potent recruitment tool for militant groups, seeking to outbid each other in extremism. It also risks inciting real-world violence against political opponents branded as “collaborators.”
· Diplomacy: Somalia’s vital partnerships with Western nations providing military, humanitarian, and budgetary aid could face severe strain. Donor countries, particularly the United States and European Union members, would likely demand a forceful government response and accountability.
· Social Cohesion: The act deliberately deepens societal fractures, undermining long-term reconciliation and state-building efforts. It creates a climate of fear for minorities and political dissidents.
· International Law: Legal experts state that public incitement to group-based violence could constitute a crime under international law, potentially attracting scrutiny from United Nations human rights bodies.

Calls for Verification and Response

Major human rights organizations and the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM) are likely to be pressed for comment and investigation. Verification of the precise nature of the events, the identities of the organizers, and the degree of any official involvement is critical.

“The Somali government has a responsibility to immediately and unequivocally condemn this hateful incitement, investigate any official complicity, and reaffirm its commitment to protecting all communities within its territory,” said a Nairobi-based diplomat speaking on condition of anonymity.

As of now, the streets of Mogadishu are reportedly calm. However, the reverberations from this staged theater of hatred are only just beginning, posing a significant new test for a government already battling on multiple fronts for its survival and legitimacy.

President Irro Hails National Unity, Foresees Wave of New Recognitions, and Urges Citizens to Protect Somaliland’s Gains

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In a rousing year-end address to his cabinet, President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro delivered an optimistic message to the people of Somaliland, framing Israel’s historic recognition as the precursor to broader international acceptance.

“I bring good news to our people that many other nations are joining us on this path and will, God willing, recognize us,” President Irro declared. His statement fueled hope following Israel’s groundbreaking decision on December 26 to become the first United Nations member state to formally acknowledge Somaliland’s sovereignty.

The president expressed deep gratitude to cabinet members, parliamentarians from both houses, political parties, the media, and civil society for their steadfast support in advancing Somaliland’s quest for global recognition. He emphasized the nation’s exceptional solidarity, describing it as “100% united” behind this objective.

In a pointed critique of opposition from Mogadishu, President Irro lauded Somaliland’s religious scholars as “heroes” for standing firmly with their people. He contrasted this with what he described as Somalia’s primary tactic of deploying clerics to undermine recognition efforts.

“Somalia’s main weapon in its campaign to block our recognition was the use of religious scholars. I thank our own scholars for proving themselves to be heroes of the people,” he stated.

Addressing international adversaries, the president urged citizens to remain clear-eyed and vigilant. “Somaliland has clearly identified the individuals and nations that have shown hostility toward our state and our people. We harbor no hostility toward others, but we must know our enemies, distinguish them from our friends, and label them accordingly. Our friends will remain our friends.”

To those dismayed by Somaliland’s progress, he issued a firm rebuttal: “Attend to your own affairs; no one can halt Somaliland’s recognition.”

Shifting focus to domestic security, President Irro issued a passionate call for collective vigilance, proposing that every citizen play an active role in safeguarding the nation.

“I propose that we all become guardians of our own security—that every citizen serves as a police officer, an intelligence agent, a peacekeeper, and a sentinel. We must unite,” he urged. “We need to strengthen that unity further and collectively protect this victory.”

As the year closes, President Irro’s address stands as a rallying cry for continued resilience and shared effort, positioning Somaliland on the brink of enhanced international legitimacy after more than three decades of de facto independence.

Israel recognition of Somaliland strategic realignment, not misstep: expert

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Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as an independent state reflects strategic realignment, rewarding governance and state-building, say Horn of Africa experts, despite regional opposition.

NAIROBI, Kenya, Nov 31 — Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as an independent state represents a strategic and principled realignment rather than a diplomatic miscalculation, according to Horn of Africa security expert Jama Ayaanle Feyte.

In an extensive analysis, Feyte pushed back against claims that the move risks destabilising the region, arguing instead that it acknowledges long-standing political realities and rewards effective governance.

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland is not a puzzling misstep but a paradigm-shifting decision,” he said.

‎“Israel’s recognition of Somaliland is not a puzzling misstep but a paradigm-shifting decision,” he said.


‎“It courageously affirms a successful model of indigenous state-building and establishes a vital strategic bridgehead in a critical maritime corridor.”

‎Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991 and has operated with its own government, security institutions, and electoral processes for more than three decades, though it has remained without formal international recognition.

‎Feyte argues that Israel’s decision reflects facts on the ground rather than ideological adventurism.

‎“This recognition is not a reckless ‘rush’ but a principled stand for the right to self-determination,” he said, noting that Somaliland “has maintained peace, held democratic elections, and built functional institutions for over three decades.”

‎Recalibrating alliances
‎The expert situates the recognition within wider Horn of Africa and Red Sea security dynamics, highlighting Somaliland’s coastline along the Bab el-Mandeb Strait as a critical global maritime chokepoint. He frames the move as part of a broader recalibration of alliances.

‎Addressing concerns over clan divisions and territorial disputes, Feyte dismissed arguments that internal diversity undermines Somaliland’s legitimacy.

‎“All nations, especially in their formative stages, navigate complex internal dynamics,” he said, arguing that Somaliland has “successfully channelled these identities into a hybrid system of governance that has maintained peace.”

‎He cited recent peace initiatives in the Sanaag region, where communities adopted resolutions reaffirming coexistence, support for Somaliland’s sovereignty, and cooperation with government-led reconciliation efforts.

‎Israel’s recognition, however, runs counter to the long-standing position of regional organisations.

‎The African Union (AU), the East African Community (EAC), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) have consistently reaffirmed their recognition of Somalia as a single, sovereign state, emphasising territorial integrity and unity as core principles underpinning regional stability.

‎These blocs have previously warned that unilateral recognition of breakaway regions risks undermining ongoing peacebuilding and state-building efforts in Somalia, a position aligned with broader AU policy on inherited colonial borders.

‎Feyte rejected claims that the recognition strengthens extremist narratives.

‎“Al-Shabaab’s ideology is inherently oppositional; it will manufacture grievances regardless of Israeli actions,” he said, adding that recognition instead strengthens institutions capable of countering radicalisation.

‎While acknowledging potential diplomatic backlash, Feyte argued it is temporary.

‎“The diplomatic isolation is temporary and tactical,” he said, maintaining that the long-term gains outweigh resistance rooted in what he describes as a “failed regional status quo.”

‎In this article:African Union, African Union Somalia policy, al-Shabaab counter, Bab el-Mandeb Strait, Diplomacy, diplomatic realignment, EAC, East African Community, governance, Horn of Africa, Horn of Africa security, IGAD, IGAD stance Somaliland, Independence, israel, Israel Somaliland recognition, Jama Ayaanle Feyte, regional politics, regional stability Horn of Africa, Security, Somaliland, Somaliland governance, Somaliland independence, Somaliland peace initiatives, Somaliland state-building, State-Building

Source: Capital FM.KE