HARGEISA – The Chairman of the ruling WADDANI Party, Mr. Hersi Ali H. Hassan, accompanied by the Party’s Deputy Chairman, Mr. Abdirashid Mohamed Yusuf, and a senior figure within the party leadership, Mr. Abdi Raygal Beegsi, officially welcomed two prominent new members at the Party’s headquarters in Hargeisa.
In a formal accession ceremony, the party leadership received former Director, Mr. Sheikh Salebaan Said Ali, and former Member of Parliament, Mr. Mohamed Ali H. Ahmed, who have both officially joined the ranks of the ruling WADDANI Party. Their decision to join is widely viewed as a strategic reinforcement of the party’s leadership base and organizational capacity in the region.
In a separate event, Chairman Heirsi Ali H. Hassan also hosted a distinguished honorary reception for former Minister, Mr. Osman Abdillahi Saxardiid Cadani. The Chairman extended a warm and respectful welcome to the former minister, underscoring WADDANI’s ongoing efforts to attract seasoned political figures and broaden its political coalition from its Hargeisa headquarters.
For over three decades, the Republic of Somaliland has defied the odds. While the Horn of Africa burned—while Mogadishu became a byword for anarchy, piracy, and al-Shabaab terror—Somaliland built a functioning democracy from the rubble of genocide. We have held uninterrupted elections. We have maintained a professional army and intelligence service that keeps the Gulf of Aden secure. We issue our own passports, manage our own borders, and have sustained a social contract that many recognized nations envy.
Yet, when the United States Congress recently mandated a “Report to Congress on Potential Areas for Improved United States Engagement with Somaliland,” Washington revealed a truth that every citizen of Hargeisa already knew: the United States does not see us as a partner. It sees us as a tool.
The report, while listing security, diplomatic, and economic areas for cooperation, anchors every sentence to a devastating disclaimer: “The United States recognizes the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Somalia, which includes the region of Somaliland.”
This is not a minor legal formality. It is a declaration of permanent subordination. It tells the world that Somaliland is a “region” of a failed state that cannot provide security, basic services, or political stability to its own people. It tells investors that any deal with Berbera is a deal with a breakaway province. And it tells our people that three decades of democratic sacrifice are worth less than a 1991 policy memo.
It is time to stop pretending. Somaliland must immediately cease all operational cooperation with the U.S. Embassy in Somalia. Furthermore, we must formally request that the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs establish a separate, direct, and permanent communication mechanism with Hargeisa—one that bypasses Mogadishu entirely. The current system does not serve our interests. It actively undermines them.
Part One: The Security Farce – Fighting Terror Through a Broken Lens
The report correctly notes that Somaliland’s location near Yemen and the Bab al-Mandab Strait is strategically vital. It acknowledges that AFRICOM is “exploring areas for potential cooperation” to monitor connections between Houthi terrorists and al-Shabaab, al-Qa’ida’s wealthiest affiliate.
Let us be brutally honest: Somaliland is already doing the work. Our maritime police forces patrol coastline that American drones cannot cover. Our intelligence services share real-time data on extremist movements along the Red Sea. We are the first line of defense against a scenario where the Houthis arm al-Shabaab with Iranian-made missiles—a nightmare that would threaten commercial shipping and U.S. naval assets alike.
But here is the rub: by insisting that all engagement flow through Embassy Mogadishu, the United States forces our commanders to coordinate with a capital that has no control over our territory. Mogadishu cannot authorize a joint patrol in Berbera. Mogadishu cannot vet our security personnel. Mogadishu cannot—and should not—speak for us.
The current arrangement is not only inefficient; it is dangerous. Operational security requires clear chains of command. When U.S. officials travel to Hargeisa under the authority of an embassy based in a city where al-Shabaab controls rural districts, they bring with them a compromised context. Sensitive information shared in Hargeisa could theoretically be routed back to Mogadishu, where leaks are commonplace. We have no guarantee of confidentiality. We have no guarantee of respect.
Worse, the report states that U.S. government travel to Somaliland is subject to the “same security requirements as the rest of Somalia,” necessitating “non-commercial aircraft and other resource-intensive security measures.” This is a bureaucratic insult. Somaliland is not Somalia. Hargeisa is not Mogadishu. By treating our capital as a war zone, the United States actively discourages its own officials from engaging with us meaningfully. The result is a handful of fleeting visits per year, followed by months of silence.
We cannot build a counter-terrorism partnership on crumbs. Either the United States establishes a direct security dialogue with Somaliland’s Ministry of Defense, or we will assume that Washington prefers the chaos of the current arrangement. And if chaos is the preference, let them manage it without our cooperation.
Part Two: The Diplomatic Humiliation – Why Embassy Mogadishu Cannot Speak for Us
The report boasts that “Embassy Mogadishu conducts regular, periodic visits to Somaliland to engage on matters of mutual interest.” Let us translate that diplomatic language into reality.
An American diplomat based in Mogadishu—a city they rarely leave without heavy armed escort—flies into Hargeisa for 48 hours. They meet with our President. They listen to our concerns. They nod sympathetically. Then they fly back to Mogadishu and file a report that disappears into the bureaucracy of an embassy whose legal mandate explicitly excludes our recognition.
What concrete outcome has ever emerged from these visits? Has a single trade agreement been signed? Has a single development project been scaled up? Has a single statement from the U.S. Embassy ever referred to Somaliland as anything other than a “region”?
No. Because Embassy Mogadishu is structurally incapable of advancing Somaliland’s interests. Its entire reason for existence is to support the Federal Government of Somalia. Every ambassador, every political officer, every aid coordinator in Mogadishu is evaluated based on their relationship with the Somali President in Mogadishu—not with the people of Hargeisa.
Expecting that embassy to advocate for Somaliland is like expecting the Israeli Embassy in Cairo to advocate for Palestine. It is a conflict of interest baked into the architecture of American diplomacy.
We must therefore demand a clean break. The Bureau of African Affairs at the U.S. Department of State must establish a dedicated liaison office for Somaliland, physically separate from the Mogadishu embassy structure, reporting directly to Washington. This office need not be an embassy—we understand the political constraints of full recognition—but it must be a direct channel.
How would this work in practice? A senior U.S. official, based in either Nairobi or Addis Ababa for logistical reasons, would be designated as the “Special Envoy for Somaliland Affairs.” This envoy would have a mandate to negotiate security, trade, and humanitarian agreements without seeking sign-off from Mogadishu. They would travel to Hargeisa regularly—not as visitors from the Somali embassy, but as representatives of a distinct bilateral relationship.
The alternative is the status quo: an endless loop of periodic visits, resource-intensive security measures, and zero progress. Somaliland has waited 34 years for a change. We will not wait 34 more.
Part Three: The Economic Dead End – Why Investment Will Never Come Under This Policy
The report acknowledges that Somaliland’s Berbera port represents “potential alternatives to other congested regional facilities” and that the ongoing development of the airport and seaport could create “increased opportunities for U.S. investment.”
Then, in the very next sentence, it admits the truth: “regional security concerns and the dispute over Somaliland’s status, including its refusal to cooperate with national authorities, present challenges for investment, banking, and trade.”
Read that again. The United States is actively telling American investors that Somaliland is a risky bet because the United States itself refuses to recognize our legal status. This is a self-inflicted wound.
No major American bank will finance a port expansion in a territory that the U.S. government labels a “region” of a failed state. No American insurance company will underwrite a shipping contract to Berbera if the political status is disputed. No American mining company will bid on mineral extraction rights if the title deeds could be challenged in an international court.
The absurdity is breathtaking. The United States has the power to unilaterally change the risk calculation overnight—not by granting full recognition, but by issuing a simple executive branch statement clarifying that for purposes of trade and investment, Somaliland will be treated as a distinct economic zone. They have done this for Kosovo. They have done this for Taiwan. They can do it for us.
But they will not, as long as we continue to cooperate with the Embassy in Somalia. Why would they change a system that costs them nothing? Currently, the U.S. gets all the benefits of Somaliland’s stability—counter-terrorism intelligence, port access, regional security—without paying the political price of recognition. We have become the unpaid subcontractors of American foreign policy.
Part Four: The Way Forward – A Concrete Proposal for Direct Engagement
Somaliland is not naive. We know that full recognition is a long-term goal, not an immediate ask. But there is a vast middle ground between zero recognition and full sovereignty. We demand that the United States occupy that middle ground.
Specifically, we call on the U.S. Department of State’s Bureau of African Affairs to implement the following three measures immediately:
Establish a direct communication protocol – A secure, encrypted channel between the Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Hargeisa and the Bureau of African Affairs in Washington, bypassing Embassy Mogadishu entirely. This channel would be used for all security, humanitarian, and economic discussions.
Appoint a dedicated U.S. official for Somaliland affairs – This official, with the rank of Senior Coordinator or Special Envoy, would be based in the region (Nairobi or Addis Ababa) and would travel to Hargeisa at least quarterly. They would report directly to the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, not to the Ambassador in Mogadishu.
Issue a trade and investment clarification – The U.S. Department of Commerce and the U.S. Trade Representative should issue joint guidance stating that, for commercial purposes, Somaliland is a permissible destination for American trade and investment, subject to the same due diligence as any other non-recognized entity with whom the U.S. maintains de facto relations.
If the United States refuses these three modest requests, then Somaliland must draw the logical conclusion: Washington does not actually want improved engagement. It wants a cheap security partnership without diplomatic cost. It wants our cooperation without our consent.
Conclusion: Walk Away from the Table
There is an old Somali proverb: “A man who is not welcomed at the door will not guard the house.”
Somaliland has guarded the house of regional stability for three decades. We have kept the Red Sea lanes safe. We have prevented al-Shabaab from establishing a foothold on our coast. We have shown the world that democracy is possible in the Horn of Africa. And what have we received in return? A report that calls our nation a “region.” Visits from an embassy that does not represent us. Investment promises that evaporate upon contact with reality.
Enough.
We must stop working with the U.S. Embassy in Somalia. We must refuse their periodic visits. We must decline their security cooperation requests until they meet us as equals—not as subordinates. And we must formally request that the Bureau of African Affairs establish a direct, separate mechanism for communication.
If the United States says no, then we will have lost nothing except a relationship that was never truly reciprocal. If the United States says yes, then we will have taken the first real step toward the recognition we have earned.
Somaliland has survived without American recognition for 34 years. We can survive 34 more. But we will no longer participate in a diplomatic fiction that demeans our democracy and endangers our future.
The door in Hargeisa is open. But it will no longer be opened from Mogadishu.
NAIROBI, 3 June 2026 – The Minister of Finance and Economic Development of the Republic of Somaliland, Mr. Abdillahi Hassan Adan, today took part in a high-level meeting convened by the National Oversight Committee on African Trade (NOC), alongside the Management Board and Advisory Board of Trademark Africa (TMA).
The gathering brought together senior government officials, development partners, and regional leaders from across Africa. It was co-chaired by former Ethiopian Prime Minister Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn Boshe, who serves as Chair of the TMA Management Board, and Mr. Leo Svahnback, Deputy Ambassador of Finland to East Africa and Chair of the TMA Advisory Board.
Notable participants included Ethiopia’s Minister of Transport and Logistics, Dr. Alemu Sime Feyisa, along with other ministers, officials, and representatives from various African countries and international development agencies.
Commitment to Regional Trade Integration
Addressing the forum, Minister Abdillahi Hassan Adan reaffirmed Somaliland’s strong commitment to deepening regional trade integration, fostering economic cooperation, and facilitating the seamless movement of goods and services. He described trade as not only a driver of economic growth but also a crucial instrument for peace, employment generation, and long-term economic resilience.
The Minister outlined Somaliland’s strategic investments in trade-related infrastructure, notably the ongoing modernization and expansion of the Port of Berbera. He also highlighted efforts to reform customs procedures, improve supply chain logistics, enhance transport connectivity, and boost the competitiveness of regional trade corridors.
Key Discussion Themes
Discussions centered on two main priorities:
The role of trade in job creation.
The influence of global dynamics on African trade.
Participants exchanged views on reducing non-tariff barriers, lowering high transaction costs, streamlining customs operations, strengthening digital trade systems, and harmonizing regional policies.
Call for Stronger Collaboration
Minister Abdillahi Hassan Adan reiterated Somaliland’s dedication to customs modernization, digital transformation, regional cooperation, and private-sector-led economic growth. He called for enhanced collaboration among African governments, development partners, and regional institutions to unlock new trade and investment opportunities, and to foster a stable environment conducive to sustainable and trusted economic development.
The meeting served as an important platform for African leaders to share experiences and develop practical solutions to emerging trade challenges, while reinforcing joint efforts to accelerate economic integration across the continent.
A delegation from the Somaliland Ministry of Trade and Tourism, currently on an official working visit to France, recently held a strategic meeting with officials from the Nouvelle-Aquitaine region. As the largest administrative region in France, Nouvelle-Aquitaine plays a key role in overseeing tourism development, cultural affairs, innovation, and international cooperation—regularly forging partnerships with nations and global organizations.
The Somaliland delegation included the Director of the Department of Tourism and Antiquities, the Manager of the Minister’s Office, the Director of the Somaliland National Museum and his advisor, as well as representatives from Expertise France—the French public agency for international technical assistance. They were warmly received by senior officials representing the Nouvelle-Aquitaine regional administration.
The discussions centered on presenting each side’s respective mandates and exploring avenues to strengthen bilateral ties. With technical and logistical support from Expertise France, both parties examined potential joint ventures aimed at advancing Somaliland’s tourism sector, facilitating cultural exchange, and preserving the Republic of Somaliland’s historical and archaeological heritage.
Areas of particular interest included capacity building for museum management, the restoration and protection of antiquities, the development of sustainable tourism infrastructure, and the promotion of cultural events that highlight Somaliland’s unique identity and history. Both sides acknowledged the value of sharing best practices and fostering people-to-people connections through heritage and tourism initiatives.
The meeting concluded with a mutual understanding and a formal agreement on the critical importance of further deepening their collaborative ties. Moving forward, both parties expressed their commitment to translating these discussions into actionable plans, with continued support from Expertise France serving as a bridge for future cooperation.
Hargeisa – June 2, 2026 – The Somaliland Electricity Regulatory Commission has held an emergency meeting with private power utilities, during which Indho Power formally retracted a recent unauthorized tariff increase and committed to correcting all affected customer bills.
The meeting was led by the Commission’s Deputy Chairman, Mr. Eid Saleban Ali, alongside members of the regulatory board and the Commission’s Director General, Mr. Eng. Mohamed Axhmed Ibrahim (Arnab). Discussions centered on Indho Power’s unilateral price hike and its adverse impact on electricity consumers.
During the proceedings, Indho Power acknowledged the irregularity of its decision, publicly withdrew the price increase, and pledged to revise all bills issued under the inflated rate. The company further committed to ensuring that all customers receive accurate billing based on the legally approved tariff.
The Commission reiterated that all power companies must strictly adhere to established regulations, laws, and procedures governing electricity services. It warned that no price changes may be implemented without following the proper legal channels. The regulator also stressed the importance of protecting consumer rights, maintaining service transparency, and avoiding any measures that could harm the public interest.
In addition, the Commission called on all electricity providers to strengthen consultation and accountability mechanisms whenever issues related to pricing or service delivery arise.
The Somaliland Electricity Regulatory Commission confirmed that it will closely monitor Indho Power’s implementation of the billing corrections and ensure full compliance with its regulatory directives.
HARGEISA — The Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Somaliland, represented by Director General Mahmoud Abdul Razzaq Abdi, joined the Somaliland Bar Association (SOLLA) in commemorating Somaliland Lawyer’s Day and the Annual B Justice Fair. The event saw broad participation from government officials, academics, representatives of independent institutions, and members of the legal and judicial sectors.
In his speech, Director General Abdi emphasized the central role of lawyers in protecting the Constitution, upholding the rule of law, promoting justice, and defending the public rights and freedoms of citizens. He described the legal profession as an essential cornerstone in building an institutional state and consolidating good governance.
The President of the Somaliland Bar Association explained that May 31st is designated as Lawyer’s Day, as it coincides with the anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland. He noted that this day serves as a national milestone reflecting a steadfast commitment to constitutional values and the rule of law.
The event provided a platform to highlight the role of legal institutions in developing the justice system and promoting legal awareness, as well as to review border justice efforts and facilitate the exchange of experiences among legal experts and professionals.
Congratulatory Remarks from SOLLA Leadership
On the occasion of Somaliland Lawyer’s Day, Lawyer Muse Yusuf, Director of Public Relations of (SOLLA), extended heartfelt congratulations and appreciation to all members of the association, the justice sector, and their families.
“I pray to Almighty Allah to grant us the opportunity to witness this occasion again in peace, good health, prosperity, and progress,” he said. He further noted that this day is dedicated to recognizing the vital role lawyers play in upholding the rule of law, defending human rights, advancing justice, and strengthening the democratic system of the Republic of Somaliland.
Lawyer Muse Yusuf also expressed sincere gratitude to all national, international, and local institutions that cooperate and work closely with SOLLA. He extended particular thanks to national leaders, ministries, government institutions, civil society organizations, and all distinguished guests who participated in the Lawyer’s Day event held in Hargeisa.
He highly commended the dedication and unity of the Somaliland legal community and encouraged its members to continue strengthening professional ethics, judicial independence, and the legal services provided to society.
In conclusion, he urged all attendees to continue promoting the aspirations embodied in this year’s theme: “Justice Beyond Borders.”
The Yemeni National Resistance Forces intercepted and seized more than 750 tons of munitions and hardware, including hundreds of advanced cruise, anti-ship and anti-aircraft missiles and warheads, along with hundreds of drone components intended for use by the Iranian-backed Houthis. Credit: Courtesy of U.S. Central Command Public Affairs.
Habtom Ghebrezghiabher, Ph.D., from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, is an expert on geopolitical and security dynamics in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region.
( May 31, 2026 / JNS )
Recent reports of renewed Houthi rearmament should alarm every serious policymaker in Washington, Jerusalem and the Gulf. Instead, the current trajectory of American action in the Red Sea—coddling the Houthis while courting the Eritrean dictator, an Iranian proxy and ally—risks sending a dangerous message: Hostility toward the United States and Israel pays off.
A May 2026 report by Conflict Armament Research (CAR) confirms that the Houthis are not weakening, but actively rearming and rebuilding. After documenting more than 800 missile and UAV components seized in the Red Sea, CAR traced a persistent, Iranian-facilitated supply chain fueling this expanding arsenal. While the West talks of de-escalation, Iran is methodically arming its proxy, ensuring that the Red Sea remains a theater of sustained aggression.
The Houthis launched missile and drone attacks against U.S. and Israeli targets in October 2023. Although Washington initially countered with “Operation Prosperity Guardian” and major strikes in early 2024, the strategy collapsed in May 2025. U.S. President Donald Trump’s ceasefire, which failed to demand an end to attacks on Israel, granted the group a reprieve, easing pressure while they cynically maintained their anti-Israel offensive.
The Houthis viewed the ceasefire as a confession of American defeat. By ignoring the group’s relentless Red Sea destabilization and aggression toward Israel, the agreement signaled that the United States was willing to trade regional security for a hollow, temporary peace. They saw this not as a settlement, but as a surrender. They do not see concessions as a pathway to stability; they see them as the ultimate opportunity to rearm, regroup and strike with even greater impunity.
The Houthis are no mere isolated militia; they are Iran’s frontline proxy for projecting power across the Red Sea. They serve as Tehran’s primary tool for strangling shipping lanes, bullying Gulf states, and striking the United States and Israel by proxy. The Houthis act as Iran’s escalation lever—a force deployed to raise or lower regional pressure without requiring direct Iranian involvement.
The Houthis were already emboldened by the Saudi-led coalition’s truce in April 2022. Riyadh’s pivot from eight years of relentless airstrikes to de-escalation sent a decisive signal: The Houthis interpreted it as proof that endurance—not defeat—would dictate the outcome.
The Houthis concluded that they were not being forced into retreat, but were being negotiated with from a position of rising power. Far from achieving deterrence, the lapse in pressure only confirmed their belief that both time and escalation were working in their favor.
A stronger and internationally recognized Somaliland would serve as a stabilizing anchor against piracy, Islamist terrorists, Iranian proxy expansion and Red Sea insecurity.
Consequently, rather than being neutralized, the Houthis gained strategic confidence. Saudi Arabia now faces persistent and heightened threats from the group. In contrast, Israel has consistently treated such entities as existential threats to be met with force rather than concessions. Perhaps Israel offers useful lessons.
This dangerous pattern now extends beyond the Houthis to the Iranian Islamist regime. Throughout the ongoing war, Iran has escalated pressure on the Strait of Hormuz and launched drone and missile operations against U.S. maritime assets. Despite these provocations, the U.S. response remains limited to interceptions, naval posturing and localized strikes.
Applying the lessons learned from the Houthis, Tehran—under the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ military junta—believes that endurance will dictate the outcome. The current negotiations, which reportedly provide Iran access to billions in frozen assets, will effectively reward aggression with concessions. Ultimately, the Islamist regime interprets this caution as a critical lack of resolve.
This dangerous pattern also extends to Iran’s close ally, Eritrea dictator Isaias Afwerki.
Despite years of hostility toward the United States and its allies, coupled with persistent destabilization across Ethiopia and Sudan, Washington is reportedly considering lifting sanctions on Eritrea. This has only emboldened its brutal leader. In a recent Independence Day speech, Afwerki framed America as a power in decline, defended Iran’s nuclear program and criticized the military campaign against Tehran—rhetoric clearly designed to antagonize both the United States and Israel.
This is the fundamental flaw in appeasement toward Iran, its Islamist proxies and its Eritrean ally: All three view their mere survival as a victory, regardless of the suffering they inflict upon their own people. Concessions are interpreted not as opportunities for reconciliation, but as evidence that they have successfully outlasted Western pressure.
Following the Saudi truce in April 2022, the Houthis concluded that they were not being forced into retreat, but were being negotiated with from a position of rising power.
At the very moment that America appears willing to accommodate this “Axis of Chaos,” it continues to fail to fully support the one genuinely pro-Western and stable partner in the region: Somaliland.
Despite decades of stability, democratic governance, counterterrorism cooperation and immense strategic importance along the Gulf of Aden, Somaliland remains unrecognized by the United States. This hesitation persists, even as Somaliland confronts escalating threats from the same anti-U.S. destabilizing actors: Al-Shabaab, the Houthis and Afwerki.
The strategic implications are enormous. Recognition of Somaliland would not merely be symbolic. A stronger and internationally recognized Somaliland would serve as a stabilizing anchor against piracy, Islamist terrorists, Iranian proxy expansion and Red Sea insecurity.
Removing Eritrea’s dictator is a strategic imperative for the Bab el-Mandeb corridor and the Horn of Africa. Partnering with a peaceful, stable Eritrea—the de facto nation-state of the pro-Western indigenous Tigrinya nation—would solidify a security axis between the United States, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Ethiopia and Somaliland, transforming a volatile chokepoint into a bastion against extremist threats.
Whether dealing with the Houthis, the Iranian Islamist regime or the brutal Eritrean dictator, the principle remains the same: They survive through coercion, terrorism, destabilization and chaos, and rarely abandon those tools voluntarily.
America must stop rewarding dangerous, anti-U.S. actors that thrive on chaos while simultaneously undermining allies seeking stability. To restore order, Washington should strengthen forces resisting the Houthis in Yemen, the Iranian Islamist regime and the Eritrean dictator to remove them and formally recognize Somaliland.
Stability will not come from accommodating Iran, its proxies and its rogue allies. It will come from defeating them. The logic of peace through strength is the only way to deal with such adversaries
WASHINGTON — A new congressional report outlines potential areas for improved U.S. engagement with Somaliland, including security cooperation, diplomatic outreach, and trade investment — while reaffirming Washington’s continued recognition of Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
The report, mandated by the National Security, Department of State, and Related Programs Appropriations Act for 2026, acknowledges Somaliland’s strategic importance in the Horn of Africa. Located near Yemen and the Bab al-Mandab Strait, Somaliland could become a key partner in monitoring commercial and military navigation from the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean, according to the document.
U.S. officials also see potential for cooperation against violent extremist groups, particularly concerning links between Houthi terrorists and al-Shabaab, described as al-Qaida’s largest and wealthiest affiliate.
Diplomatic Engagement, but with Limits
The U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu already conducts regular visits to Somaliland to discuss mutual interests such as security, humanitarian aid, and economic issues. However, U.S. government travel to the region faces the same security restrictions as the rest of Somalia, requiring non-commercial aircraft and other intensive security measures.
Trade and Investment Potential
Somaliland authorities have encouraged U.S. investment in minerals and identified infrastructure, trade, and economic growth as priorities. The report notes that Somaliland’s ports could serve as alternatives to congested regional facilities.
Ongoing development of the Berbera airport and seaports — aimed at creating a trade hub for Somaliland and landlocked Ethiopia — could open new opportunities for U.S. infrastructure investment, exports, and commerce.
However, the report cautions that regional security concerns and Somaliland’s disputed status — including its refusal to cooperate with Somalia’s national authorities — pose significant challenges for investment, banking, and trade.
The United States continues to recognize the Federal Republic of Somalia as the sole sovereign authority over the region, but the report signals a willingness to explore practical cooperation with Somaliland authorities where shared interests align.
EUCAP supported the implementation of a two-day exercise aimed at strengthening coordination and information sharing among Somaliland Coast Guard, Somaliland Immigration and Border Control, and other participating entities.
Through practical maritime scenarios, participants enhanced their operational communication, improved their use of the Indo-Pacific Regional Information Sharing (IORIS) Platform, and strengthened their maritime domain awareness capabilities.
The exercise also fostered stronger inter-agency collaboration and identified areas for future improvement, particularly in internet connectivity and technical support.
Mogadishu – On Monday, international partners expressed growing concern over rising political tensions in Somalia and called on the federal government and opposition leaders to return to dialogue and swiftly agree on a roadmap for elections.
In a joint statement issued on June 1, the United Kingdom, the UN Transitional Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM), the European Union, Sweden, Switzerland, and Norway urged Somali leaders to prioritize the national interest during what they described as a sensitive political moment.
“We call on all sides to resume dialogue as soon as possible and to quickly reach consensus on an electoral roadmap in the interest of the Somali people,” the statement read.
The partners also warned against any actions that could heighten tensions. “The international community stands ready to support Somali-led talks, if requested,” the statement added.
The appeal follows recent unsuccessful negotiations between the federal government and opposition leaders, who failed to reach an agreement on elections, constitutional reforms, or the political transition process.
Political tensions in Somalia have intensified as the government pushes for a one-person, one-vote election system, while the opposition argues that major reforms are being advanced without broad consensus.
International partners have repeatedly called for dialogue, restraint, and an inclusive political process to prevent further destabilization in the country.
